Below is a list of the various political parties represented in Nepal’s Constituent Assembly, the number of seats they have in the CA and the side they have picked in the unfolding political struggle.

Parties supporting the government

Nepali Congress – 113
CPN-UML – 109
MPRF (D) – 25
Tarai Madhes Democratic Party - 21
Sadbhawana Party - 9
CPN-ML – 9
Rastriya Prajatantra Party - 8
CPN (United) - 5
Rastriya Janamorcha – 4
Rastriya Janashakti Party – 2
Sadbhawana Party (Gupta faction) – 1
Chure Bhawar Ekata Samaj – 1
Socialist Democratic People´s Party, Nepal - 1
Nepal Janata Dal – 1

Total - 310

Parties against the government

UCPN (Maoist) – 237
Madhesi People´s Rights Forum – 28
CPN (Ekikrit) – 2
Janata Dal (Gayatri Shah) – 1
Sanghiya Loktantrik Manch – 2
Nepal Sadbhawana Party (Anandidevi) – 2
Nepa Party – 1
NWPP – 5
Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal – 4
Dalit Janajati Party – 1

Total – 283

Non-committal parties

Rastriya Janamukti Party – 2
Nepal Loktantrik Samajbadi Dal – 1
Nepal Family Party – 1
Independent CA members – 2
Total – 6

* Two Maoist members have been stripped of their CA membership

Source

The tiller should own the land

07/10/2009

Hari Roka, a Constituent Assembly (CA) member nominated by the Maoist party, is also a member of the CA’s Committee on the Distribution of Natural Resources, Financial Rights and Public Revenue. The Committee was recently in the news regarding disputes about land reform. Roka spoke about what issue were being discussed and what continued to sources of conflict between members of various parties.

Q: What are the Committee on the Distribution of Natural Resources, Financial Rights and Public Revenue’s primary responsibilities?

Roka: There are two parts to the work of our Committee. First, to create provisions for the management of natural resources in the federal structure. Second, to create provisions for managing financial rights and the distribution of revenue in the new state structure.

There are three aspects to the management of natural resources: they regard water, forests and land. Regarding land, 46 percent of families possess between 0.1 and 0.5 hectares of land. The average size of these families is 5.8 people. The size of the landholdings is therefore not sufficient to provide these families with a livelihood. So, we have prepared a framework according to which land reform should take place.

Q: What method of land reform have you decided to implement?

Roka: We studied the four models of land reform that have taken place. First, the kind undertaken by the Europeans and North Americans; second, what was undertaken in South America; third, the attempts by Socialist countries such as China and Russia; and fourth, the kind undertaken by the Koreans, Taiwanese and Japanese.

The Americans learnt from the Prussians. The landlords themselves institutionalized the wage system. So the feudals turned into capitalists. Gradually, land gradually became concentrated in the hands of capitalists and others were displaced. Some remained as wage labourers, others went to work in industries. The South Americans freed themselves from European colonization. But the big landlords kept control of the land. Now that socialist governments have come to power in 12 Latin American countries, they are in the process of undertaking land reform and redistribution, without providing compensation to the previous owners. In China and Russia, the state captured all land, and after that, according to the need of both the people and the state, prepared communes and cooperatives.

Land reform in South Korea, Taiwan and Japan was imposed by the Americans, as a tool to make communism less attractive to the population there. All land was taken by the government. The government then collected data on the nature and quality of land and of all families. Then it asked people what occupation they wanted to enter. Then the governments then redistributed land according to the needs of the family and the quality of the land that was being provided. This was a very effective method of land reform. In South Korea, for instance, 87 percent of people were in agriculture in the 1950s. Now, only 10 percent are. They understood that land reform did not simply mean redistribution, that it was necessary to provide seeds, fertilizer, to create a market and credit etc. Great growth took place in the agricultural sector as a result, and this created resources to invest in the industrial sector, setting the foundations for export-led growth.

We have thus come to the conclusion that the most suitable method of land reform for Nepal is the fourth one.

Q: The Maoists have a dispute with the Nepali Congress and other parties regarding whether to provide compensation to those whose lands will be taken or not.

Roka: The method of land reform that involves compensation is the World Bank’s model. It is meant to rescue the landlords. When the Maoists started capturing land and distributing it to farmers a number of years ago, the World Bank brought this compensation programme.

But we believe that no compensation should be provided. The Land Reform Commission led by Keshav Badal presented its report to the Manmohan Adhikari government nearly 15 years ago. Badal said that providing compensation in the process of land reform would cost Rs. 45 billion. Now, according to our calculations, it will cost the state more than Rs. 200 billion. If we do this, we will have to take loans from multilateral agencies or from bilateral donors. At the current time, almost 28 percent of the core budget goes towards paying previous loans in installments. If we borrow Rs. 200 billion, almost 60 percent of our core budget will go towards servicing loans. That will leave no money for infrastructure development, provision of subsidies and development of a market.

Second, all parties are in principle agreed that feudalism should be abolished. But feudals are also those who have dual relations with both the land and some other occupation; for instance if a person sells land to buy houses in Kathmandu and then rents out those houses, he is also a feudal. The other parliamentary parties agree that feudalism should be ended, but they do not agree that the resources that enable the survival of feudals should be cut off. In the new structure, a person shouldn’t be allowed to stay in Kathmandu, but live off the produce of his land in the village. There are many such absentee landlords.

So all land should be in the hands of the tiller. And no compensation should be provided to the current landowners.

Q: Are there any disagreements with Adivasis-Janajatis regarding land reform?

Roka: The local inhabitants of an area should have first rights to resources on the territory on which they live. We plan to include a clause in the preamble of the constitution that states: “Regarding land reform or the use of natural resources, the first right of use of Adivasi-Janajatis and local inhabitants will be guaranteed.” The phrase “exemptive right” was not acceptable to the Nepali Congress or the UML so we used the phrase “first right.” This does not mean that other people will have no rights at all. After the Janajatis and locals are provided with what they need, those from other areas will have the right to use and develop the resources in the area.

So its not that Newars will be the only ones with rights in Kathmandu, or Limbus will have sole rights in Limbuwan. If that happens, it will be a return to the period that existed before feudalism. Adivasi Janajatis should be clear about the concept of land reform. The transformation in Nepal is not for establishing a large number of kings.

Q: What other issues is the Committee discussing?

Roka: There is the issue of the right over forests. This hasn’t been finalized. Will the right lie with the centre or the states? So far, the centre has been responsible. In the future, the responsibility for making laws for the management should lie with the centre; the responsibility for managing the forests should lie with the states.

There are three views on this. Some parties, the Madhesi parties in particular, argue that all power should lie with the state governments. Other parties such as the Nepali Congress and UML want everything to be completely centralized. The Maoists are more pragmatic, flexible and willing to reach a compromise.

Q: What kind of measures will be there to ensure linkages between regions?

Roka: The three areas — Tarai, Hills, Mountains — are deeply connected ecologically. Let’s take the example of water, for instance. Among the 22 districts of the Tarai, sufficient food is produced only in six. According to the current population growth, we will have to produce three times the food we are right now by 2015 if we are to fulfill the nation’s demands. But there are rivers that run across districts. In order to provide irrigation in the Tarai it will be necessary to establish irrigation channels in hill and mountain districts.

So it is necessary to create policies that take into account the ecological and economic linkages between regions. It is not enough to only demand rights to one’s identity and culture.

Q: Are you hopeful that the constitution will be drafted on schedule?

Roka: One reason why there hasn’t been able to be a better understanding among parties is because they still lack conceptual clarity. First, the political parties should have thought about the kind of federal system they wanted to adopt a long time ago: whether it is to be cooperative (like the Indian model — where the centre is much more powerful than the states), competitive (as in Germany or Canada — where the state have substantial power and compete with each other) or mixed. But the political parties did not even discuss this. Second, there should have been discussions about the model of state structure to adopt. The Westminster model has failed, it is clear. Political leaders should have talked about the future model from the very beginning. Third, there should have been discussions about the norms to be followed within a coalition government.

It is necessary to have broad understanding on these major issues. The way it still works is that political actors approach each issue as they come along; resolutions are always temporary and ad hoc.

There is also a conflict between classes. This is also responsible for the current polarisation.

http://www.nepalcaportal.org/EN/who-…ils.php?ID=101

This is another major piece of analysis from one of the leaders of Nepal’s Maoist revolution. Comrade Basanta says the time for a people’s insurrection is drawing near…

Nepalese Revolution and its Ideological Challenges

Indra Mohan Sigdel ‘Basanta’

Marxism and revisionism or so to speak revolution and counter-revolution are the unity and struggle of opposites. A communist party, which is formed of relative unity between Marxism and revisionism i.e. revolution and the counter-revolution, develops Marxism in the course of its absolute struggle against revisionism. Marxism develops to defeat revisionism and so does the revisionism to defeat Marxism. In this sense, the history of the international communist movement is the history of struggle between Marxism and revolution on the one hand and revisionism and counter-revolution on the other. No communist party in the world can escape from this struggle. It is equally true for our party also. Those communist parties, which could defeat revisionism in the ideological and political struggle i.e. two-line struggle in the party, have emerged victorious in the history. But contrarily, those which failed to defeat revisionism in this struggle have ultimately become witnesses of the counter-revolution.

The end result of revisionism is counter-revolution; however, every revisionist advocates revolution, not counter-revolution. Revisionism comes in the guise of creative application of Marxism. It is also true that without the development of Marxism no revolution can advance. Hence, whether Marxism or revisionism develops in any party is a contradiction. It is not a question of intention of some particular leader. Rather, it is a question of whether or not one grasps the dialectical and historical materialism correctly and then applies it creatively in developing a political line, plans and programmes, to change the given concrete condition. Besides, it is not that a counterrevolutionary turns revisionist but those which are revolutionary on the whole but lack the correct grasp of dialectics slide gradually towards revisionism.

A revolutionary communist party at one point of time can become a revisionist one at the other. It is relative to the time and space and the level of class struggle as well. The Communist Party of Russia founded and brought up by Comrade Lenin and Stalin turned into revisionist after latter’s demise. The Communist Party of China by means of which Mao led the new democratic revolution to the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has turned revisionist. The Communist Party of India (Marxist), which was on one occasion a relatively revolutionary splinter group of the Khrushchevite Communist Party of India, has now become one of the reliable accomplices of the reactionary ruling class. In the same way, the coordination committee, once a relatively revolutionary communist group working in Jhapa, has now with the passing of time turned into a revisionist UML. There are plenty of such misleading examples in the international communist movement.

None portrays oneself as a revisionist; rather it is expressed in one’s ideological and political line. The political line changes with a change in the objective situation and so do the plans and programmes too. They are correct only when they comply with objective condition. It means that a political line that is revolutionary at one point of time becomes obsolete and even regressive at the other. Just for example, the political line of democratic republic that our CC meeting in Chunwang had adopted was correct in the then condition. But with the abolition of monarchy from the first meeting of Constituent Assembly and establishment of Federal Democratic Republic in Nepal, the Chunwang tactic has now become obsolete and even regressive. Therefore, at present our party has developed a correct political line, which is People’s Federal Republic. And after its accomplishment, the need to develop another political line arises.

Marxism is always attacked from two angles – ‘right’ and ‘left’. Different shades of rightists, tagged as communists, think that our party’s present line is ultra-left while the left sectarians see us as rightists. It is the line struggle mainly against these two wrong trends that our party, retaining its revolutionary character, has been advancing revolution. But, in the present context, right revisionism is the main danger. Only by waging firmly the ideological struggle against it can right revisionism be defeated. However, while struggling against right revisionism party must remain alert from the danger of being trapped into left sectarianism.

The new democratic revolution in Nepal is at a crossroads of possibility of great victory and the danger of serious defeat. We are now in the Constituent Assembly to write people’s constitution for a New Nepal. The representatives of different classes in the constituent assembly are exercising to write their own constitution. The comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the feudal elements want a status quo constitution to ensure their class interest. But, the entire oppressed class, nation, gender and the region including from the workers to the national bourgeoisie want a constitution that is anti-feudal and anti-imperialist in content. In this way, the class struggle is now focused at the content of the constitution, status quo or revolutionary.

In view of less than two- third majority on the part of entire parliamentarian parties the conspiracies to push our party aside from the constitution writing process are mounting and it will intensify further. It is sure that reactionaries will by no means write people’s constitution in their own. The recent political activities on the part of reactionaries reveal their conspiracy. Linger the process till May 28 and stage a counter-revolutionary military coup the next to impose status quo seems to be the reactionary design. In fact, the constitutional crisis after May 28 is in this way going to create a political crisis in the country. The reactionaries have seen military fascism as the only alternative to ‘evade’ the political crisis that the constitutional crisis after May 28 brings about.

Nepalese people are impatiently waiting for a constitution prepared as to resolve the basic contradictions that the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition has created. There has been thousands of sacrifices from Nepalese people in order to build up an independent and prosperous Nepal that is free from feudal exploitation and imperialist intervention including class, national, regional and gender oppressions. Nepalese people have lined up for more sacrifice but cannot bow down before the reactionaries, domestic and foreign.

There is no doubt that the class struggle which is now centred on the new constitution making will develop to its climax in the days to come. It is definite that the foreign moves and interventions too will qualitatively increase. Not only will this bring different trends of the society into surface but also it cannot be denied that these trends will not influence the two-line struggle in the party, ongoing party’s political line and the plans and programmes of the struggle as well. The logic in the big house media that envisages ultra-left danger in the present line of People’s Republic and suggests on the need to seek a new model of transitional republic based on consensus should be viewed in relation to this context.

The class struggle directly influences the line struggle and vice versa. These two cannot be separated. In the present context when the class struggle is leading towards its climax our party has been, by means of inter-party struggle, sharpening the political line and concretising the plans further. And this is the way to go ahead. To grasp deeply the party line, remain cautious so that it does not become dull and implement firmly the plans of struggle is the responsibility shouldered upon all of us at present.

Today, our party is seriously engaged in writing new constitution. But the reactionaries are now forcing to make the revolutionary forces surrender and, if not, working to ‘wipe them out’ with military might. The expressions like, writing of an abridged constitution, revival of 1990 constitution and reinstatement of the Hindu Kingdom etc. have clearly indicated the conspiracies on the part of reactionaries.

In this situation, the constitution is not going to be written easily. And, no constitution can be written on the will of our party alone. The way how the great people’s war compelled those parliamentarian parties, who did not want even to listen the term constituent assembly, to agree with it and forced the monarchy to kneel down before the people by means of 19 days mass movement founded on people’s war, in the same manner, the people’s insurrection far more stronger than that will be able to defeat entire conspiracies including military coup and thereby open the way to writing people’s constitution that institutionalises the People’s Republic. In order to liberate Nepal and Nepalese people from feudal exploitation and imperialist oppression and build up an independent and prosperous new Nepal there appears no other alternative to people’s insurrection before the Nepalese people.

When the ultra-left danger in our party’s line of people’s insurrection is being discussed now in Nepal, it will not be out of context to place here how Lenin used to look at insurrection and the danger that Bern-stein, who had accused Lenin of Blanquist ultra-left, had seen in the context of Russian insurrection. In a letter headed Marxism and insurrection to the central committee written in September 1917, Lenin writes, “To be successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspiracy and not upon a party, but upon the advanced class. That is the first point. Insurrection must rely upon a revolutionary upsurge of the people. That is the second point. Insurrection must rely upon that turning-point in the history of the growing revolution when the activity of the advanced ranks of the people is at its height, and when the vacillations in the ranks of the enemy and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted and irresolute friends of the revolution are strongest. That is the third point. And these three conditions for raising the question of insurrection distinguish Marxism from Blanquism.”

Immediately after that, in the next paragraph he writes, “Once these conditions exist, however, to refuse to treat insurrection as an art is a betrayal of Marxism and a betrayal of the revolution.”

The modality of people’s insurrection in any country is of its own character. Replication of Russian or Chinese model cannot make revolution in Nepal. But, in order to accomplish people’s insurrection as an art, the aforesaid conditions put forth by Lenin are universal. The crux behind three months’ plan of struggles that our party has adopted is aimed at fulfilling the aforesaid conditions for people’s insurrection. In compliance with the political line, only by implementing firmly the entire programmes of struggles that the party has adopted for three months can the entire conditions the Nepalese revolution demands, including the aforesaid ones, be fulfilled. It is today’s Marxism to accomplish Nepalese revolution. •

PBM, UCPN-Maoist

This is a major piece of analysis from one of Nepal’s senior revolutionary leaders. Comrade Kiran is a Vice Chairman of the UCPN (M) and in the following article he outlines some of his thoughts on the ‘great possibilities’ and ‘serious challenges’ that face the 21st century’s first communist revolution.

This is, as far as I am aware the only copy of this article available in normal text on the internet. I had to transcribe it from the Red Star, where for some reason it is not possible to copy paste text. I encourage everyone to xpost this widely!

Also, I want to make it known that I edited this text slightly. I made a number of minor changes to improve readability and correct grammatical mistakes. I do not believe I have in any way changed the political content, but if anyone is concerned about this the original text can be read at the link provided and I welcome any criticisms of my editing.

Bright future of Nepali Revolution

Mohan ‘Kiran’ Biadhya

People’s War was initiated by UCPN (Maoist) on 13^th February 1996. It has celebrated its 14^th anniversary. PW had launched aiming to lead the struggle to the direction of communism through socialism with the process of establishing People’s Democratic Republic of Nepal. That is to say by liberating the country from semi-feudal and semi-colonial situation. To achieve these ultimate goals, the outline of PW was made in the sense of military strategic plan for the development of PW by building base areas in the remote areas. According to it, PW was developed and empowered. It took its rupture and entered into strategic offensive by completing its earlier two phases: strategic defensive and strategic equilibrium. In this process, the tactical series: interim government, democratic republic and Constituent Assembly (CA) were decided by the party.

In the course of PW, we can into the peace process since after a few time the people’s war had entered into strategic offensive. In the ideological struggle of peace process, interim government was made and democratic republic of Nepal was declared. And, at the same time, monarchy was suspended. The interim government declared the election of the CA and our party get victory as the largest party in the CA. Then, united government was formed under the leadership of our party.

In the course of great PW, thousands of brave warriors got martyrdom. Thousands of others got wounded and thousands are missing. The strategic achievement left to be gained in spite of the historic and unprecedented dedication, devotion and sacrifice of the thousands. Therefore, serious questions are being raised.

PW: Achievement and limitation

Great People’s War had both its achievements and its limitations. It is necessary to review from both the perspectives. Many military actions were taken during the period of People’s War. Some of them are successful military attacks in the district headquarters. Along with the development of military strategy and its scientific implementation, guerrilla troops were developed into military formation of People’s Liberation Army;  which was developed up to the divisional formation. Hundreds of base areas and local people’s governments were made. As we advanced ahead stepping down to the strong foundation of PW, we uprooted the local roots of the monarchy and ended it while we came into the peace process. Establishment of Federal Democratic Republic replaced monarchy from the state power. The state was declared secular. Now with the concept of Federal republic, a new consciousness, awareness and the idea of emancipation has been developed in workers, peasants, dalits, women, nationalities and the oppressed class and the people. These are the important achievements of the great PW. However, the base areas and People’s Governments developed with the process of PW are not with us now. The expected goal of establishing New Democratic People’s Republican state power is still left to be established. The country is still semi-feudal and semi-colonial.

These are the limitations of PW. Initiated at the end of 20^th century and continuing in the beginning of 21^st century, PW has been the centre of expectation, hope and attraction of the world. But the expectation of the world to get message from Nepali PW is incomplete. Therefore, the achievements and limitations of the PW should be evaluated in its totality.

Tactical line, policy and leadership

The main tactical and political line of our party under the leadership of proletarian class is to complete New People’s Democratic Revolution against feudalism, imperialism and expansionism. The main political strategy of the party lies within it. In the context of the establishment of republic by extermination of monarchy, the main task of our party has been centred in struggle against comprador capitalism and bureaucrat capitalism along with the remnants of feudalism.

After the establishment of Federal Democratic Republic and the completion of the election of CA, it is clear that we should develop the tactics. To not develop new tactics and remain attached to the old tactical line is conservatism, status-quoism and reformism. Therefore, giving sufficient attention to the developed political situation, our party has brought a change in principal tactical line. The present political tactics of our party has been People’s Federal Republic or People’s Republic. For the achievement of that objective, the party is on the way towards drafting a new constitution, to activate the fronts of street, CA and the government (if possible) and to secure the people’s right to rebel.

There is dialectical relationship in between tactical line, policy and leadership. Here we have to focus on the fact that it is not sufficient to only determine the general tactics and general policy; rather, it is equally necessary to make proper work-division by making concrete the tactics and policy in plan and programme. For this, there is an important role of revolutionary and efficient leadership.

Revolutionary and efficient leadership has the capacity to solve the problems of class struggle and two-line struggle through concrete analysis of the concrete situation. Along with it, revolutionary and efficient leadership is that which has the capacity to handle the system of democratic centralism to strengthen the party organisation with its process of self-criticism and criticism. Finally, revolutionary and efficient leadership does not surrender before the enemy even in the complex and hard times and always uplifts the ideology and flag of revolution.

Question of nationality and People’s Democracy

Nationality and people’s democracy are always inseparably combined in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries like Nepal. In that way, we are defining the Nepali People’s Democratic Revolution not only in terms of People’s Democracy but also in terms of national liberation.

Nepal is a landlocked country. It is encircled by China from the North and India from the East, the South and the West. Many unequal treaties are being made with India. On the basis of these unequal treaties, the Indian ruling class is interfering in Nepal’s economic, political, cultural and strategic spheres. The border has been encroached in many different places. Indian expansionism does not want to let Nepal be a free and independent nation. Indian expansionism, on the one hand, has been a barrier in the completion of the Nepali People’s Democratic Revolution, and it has made efforts to make meaningless civilian supremacy, peace and the drafting of a new constitution on the other.

The puppet government formed after the resignation of the Maoist-led government has been the obstacle in the security of national independence, maintenance of civilian supremacy, peace and in writing a people’s constitution. The struggle for the protection of national independence and the quest of nationality and people’s democracy with it has its special importance.

Danger of National Capitulationism and Parliamentarism

It is a well known fact that there is a danger of national capitulationism and parliamentarism existing in the people’s democratic and communist movement of Nepal. Even after a decade long People’s War and a 19 day long People’s Movement, the danger of capitulationism and parliamentarism  is increasingly likely to emerge in a new way.

When it seems that people’s democracy is being separated from the question of nationality and Nepali leaders try to be more polite and soft towards the Indian ruling class, national capitulationism raised up its head. Likewise, when the democratic republic is considered to be the ultimate truth and the reformist constitution is considered to be enough rather than making people’s constitution for people’s democratic republic, parliamentarism raises its head.

In the history of the communist movement of Nepal, the revolutionaries are labelled as extremist and dogmatist. It is only a pretension to put a mask over right opportunism and pragmatism.  Illusions are being spread in the name of originality and creativity. We should be aware of this.

Future of Nepali revolution

The future of the Nepali revolution is equally related with the development of the Nepali revolution and it’s direction. At this moment, there are great possibilities and serious challenges ahead. We should study these all objectively.

We should give our attention to the following facts while we are talking about great possibilities;  first, the old ruling class is passing through a serious political, financial and cultural crisis. It is unable to run the state power in the old style and method.

Second, Nepali people do not want to be ruled by the old ruling class and they want to bring change in the political, economic and cultural sectors. The people are in the street since a long time ago for change and they are ready to even be involved in a nationwide mass struggle.

Third, the majority of people in Nepal have put their faith in the UCPN (Maoist).

Fourth, our party is subjectively strong, and it is enriched with experiences because it is developed through a decade long People’s War. Along with it, the Nepali revolution has serious challenges ahead.

First, regressive forces and status quo forces are being united against the revolution and they have the support of some of the international power centres.

Second, our party is very big in quantity, however it is not so qualitatively strong.

Third, class enemies are hatching conspiracies against the Nepali revolution and sufficient attention is not being paid towards them.

However, the possibilities are stronger than the challenges in comparison. We can face all the challenges if the unity of the party is made stronger ideologically, politically and organisationally, if the tactical line is implemented deliberately, if the contradictions concerned with the Nepali revolution are handled correctly and if we make the diplomatic task effectively in the international arena. For this, we have to take initiative in a planned way ahead for the bright future of the Nepali revolution.

At last, Nepal is at this time in a critical situation. The line of the revolution is not always straight, rather it is curved. At this time, we should be very serious and sincere about implementing the party line in practice while also being aware of national capitulationism and parliamentarism. In this process, the fusion of revolutionary farsightedness, intellect and spirit is necessary. We should raise our revolutionary flag up incessantly in any situation.

Vice-Chairman, UCPN (Maoist).

International situation

FAVOURABLE or UNFAVOURABLE?

by C. P. Gajurel ‘Gaurav’

Secretary of UCPN-Maoist

Communist Movement is an internationalist movement. Goal of all communists, provided they are truly communists, is communism. We should not be confused about vulgar distortions of communism whether it is ‘National communism’ or ‘Euro communism’. Internationalist nature of communists is characterized by the principle ‘either we all reach or none of us’. This is the basis of proletarian internationalism.

International situation is not same as proletarian internationalism. Apart from the domestic situation, which is decisive, Communist movement is definitely influenced by international situation of the given time. Development of communist movement of a single country definitely depends upon the favourable or unfavourable international situation. Success or failure of revolution of individual country also largely depends on favourable or unfavourable international situation. In many cases, the question of ‘unfavourable international situation’ is being (mis)used by rightists or revisionists to justify their degeneration from a communist or revolutionary to a revisionist or a bourgeois politician. None of the revisionists of the world declare themselves as revisionists; rather they try to show that they are revolutionaries and are still communists. Capitalist class is an exploiter and oppressor class. So it is quite natural that the politicians openly representing the class interest of this class will not be able to garner support from the broad masses.

So in order to garner support of the broad masses, the revisionists, who represent the class interest of the bourgeoisie, disguise themselves as “communists”. They always distort the revolutionary line and situation in service of the bourgeoisie. They are the people who sabotage the revolution from within. Words like “Communism”, “revolution” are the masks of revisionists under which they cover their ugly bourgeois face. Revisionists of this era always prolong or delay or stop the revolution in the pretext of “unfavourable” international situation. They have regular and long time idea which states that no revolution can take place when there is “unfavourable international situation” and for them “unfavourable international situation” is permanent.

Thus the conclusion of this statement is that revolution cannot take place at this era. Therefore, while making assessment of the international situation, we should not be the victim of permanently “no favourable situation therefore no revolution”.

We should be realistic in making assessment of the international situation. We should adopt Maoist approach while making assessment of the international situation. Definitely there are some serious unfavourable factors which we cannot ignore. Side by side there are some favourable factors which we have to take into account. Let us try to make a brief summation of bright side as well as the dark side of the present international situation in making revolution.

Absence of international organization

We have no strong international organization or strong international centre of communist parties at this moment. The Third International which was initiated and led by Lenin himself was disbanded during the time of 2nd world war at the behest of capitalist and imperialist countries in order to pave the way for ‘Anti-fascist united front’ against fascist imperialist Germany.

It seems that the intention of Stalin, who was the main leader of the Third International after the demise of Lenin, was not to dissolve the Communist International permanently. Stalin formed COMINFORM (Communist Information Centre) under his leadership after the end of the 2nd WW. But it was far from being developed to an international centre like COMINTERN. Gradually, the Cominform became passive and virtually it became defunct.

Now, we have international embryonic centre of communist parties and organisations, the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). But its strength is limited.

Absence of socialist block

It is true that there was no international centre like Comintern during the time the Chinese revolution that became victorious in the year 1949. But there was socialist Russia and international socialist block which pro-vided very significant support to the Chinese revolution. We have no such international socialist block to day. This is darkest part of the present international situation. It seems that had there been international socialist base, the New Democratic Revolution would have been succeeded long before and the Nepalese society would have been grappling for socialism by now.

Dearth of international working class movement

It is also true that there was neither Communist International nor Socialist block during the time of Socialist revolution in Russia in 1919. But there was very strong working class movement in Europe and socialist revolution in Germany was very close to success. The strength of the working class movement was a very strong support to the Russian revolution. But we have no such strong working class movement in any continent at present.

Hostility among imperialist countries not in climax

There is one common international factor in Russian and Chinese revolution that the Russian revolution succeeded during the time of 1st WW and the Chinese revolution succeeded during the 2nd WW. It does not mean that WW is essential part of the success of every revolution. It is worth to be considered that during the time of WW, the imperialist powers were cutting each others’ throat. One imperialist country was enemy for another imperialist country. The hostility among the imperialist countries was so ferocious that one’s existence depended on elimination of the other. They had little time to fight against communist forces during the time of WW. There is no doubt that contradiction among various imperialist forces exists today, but it has not reached to the level of hostility of eliminating each other.

Situation—provided or can be created?

When we talk about the favourable international situation, there are some aspects to be considered. Firstly, the international situation is favourable in the given time and the revolutionaries can have the opportunity to utilize the favourable situation as outside support of the revolution. If this situation exists it is well and good. All the revolutionary parties will wish such a situation to prevail. Such situation is always welcomed. But our wish does not determine everything including the favourable international situation.

Secondly, the duty of the revolutionaries is to create such a situation which helps the revolution to grow and to succeed. Revolutionaries do not wait for a good fortune to arrive. Such a situation may or may not be completely favourable. If we cannot create completely favourable situation, we should try to create relatively favourable situation. If we cannot even achieve relatively favourable situation, we should try to create such a situation which is not harmful to the revolution. What often happens is that at the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution it is difficult for the communist revolutionaries to get a readymade favourable international situation.

Third, favourable or unfavourable situation is not a static phenomenon. It goes on changing depending on the changed situation. In many cases the revolution itself causes the international situation to be changed and the situation goes the other way round. The revolution is itself a force which brings change in the international situation and unfavourable situation turns to be relatively favourable or at least not harmful to the revolution. It is evident from the event of Nepalese revolution. When we initiated the historic People’s War (in February 13, 1996), the international situation was not at all favourable for the revolution. Eleven long years of PW has caused change in the national as well as the international situation. It is obvious that the international situation is less unfavourable for the revolution today than it was during the initiation of the PW. We will mention about some of the emerging relatively favourable factors at the international level.

Emergence of anti-imperialist forces

Mao while making assessment of the international situation arrived at a conclusion that Asia, Africa and Latin America are the ‘storm centers’ of the world revolution. Still it holds good to some extent. There was revolutionary wave in the Latin American countries during the time of Cuban revolution and consequently during the 60s and 70s. After the bloody coup in Chile in 1972, communist movement in Latin America had to face a big setback. Nevertheless, anti-imperialist struggle continued in most of the Latin American countries at different level. Since last six or seven years, there is a kind of anti- US imperialist wave in most of the countries in Latin America. Parties upholding the principle of ‘Bolivarian socialism’ are winning the presidential and parliamentary elections. Some of the governments like that in Venezuela have infuriated the U S administration by nationalizing the big oil companies owned by the US big capitalists. The other ‘socialist governments’ also follow the same line. The Hugo Chavez government further infuriated the US government when it (Chavez government) signed a large arm deal quite recently with Russia. The recent developments in Latin America should be considered as favourable factor at the international level. These developments in Latin America should be considered very significant especially in a situation when there is no socialist block to support the revolution.

Severe economic crisis

Severe crisis that engulfed the imperialist world has shaken the imperialist system itself. It is one of the severest economic crises shaking the imperialist system that has recurred after 70 years. The crisis has not been overcome. The economists assume that the counter shock of this economic quake is more dangerous which is yet to come. The imperialist system has been so weakened that it is struggling for its survival. The revolutionary movements in Europe and US appeared to be in hibernation since long years. The ruling class is afraid of revolutionary upsurge in its citadel. It seems that the imperialist system will not be able to withstand another crisis, which it is assumed may recur within some years, because there is no substantial recovery. Such crisis will definitely be overcome by revolution.

Attraction to Socialism

History of communist movement has proven that socialism or communist movement cannot be destroyed by outside intervention of the imperialist power; rather it is destroyed from within. Capitalist roaders within communist parties are real destroyers of communist movement and socialism that has been achieved through hard revolution. We know that during the middle of the 20th century more than half of the globe and the people inhabited in it were liberated from capitalism and were enjoying socialism.

The world was divided into two competing blocks—imperialism and socialism and there was balance of power. Socialism was rising power where as imperialism was declining power. Socialism was heading towards global victory and Marx’s dream of communism looked like to be fulfilled. But destruction of socialism started right from within. Restoration of capitalism started from the first socialist country of the world, Russia in 1956 under the leadership of Khruschev, then leader of the Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU). It spread like wild fire.

Later Russia degenerated to a social imperialist country. So the real socialism was destroyed. During ’90s, “anti-socialism” wave backed by US imperialism washed away the pro-Soviet Union block which they used to call “socialism”.

It seems that the anti-socialism wind has taken rest in western countries and socialism is being remembered. The reason is—the capitalist and imperialist countries provided some basic facilities to the masses to persuade them in order to prevent socialist revolution to take place in their country. When socialism has been destroyed capitalists have no compulsion to compete with socialism. So they are with-drawing step by step all the basic facilities they were providing in the name of “social security”. The poor do not get unemployment allowance, if they get at all, it is quite meager. The poor are unable to get treatment. So attraction to socialism is increasing, at least the trend of hate socialism seems to have stopped even in the western countries where “socialism” was destroyed by big mass actions. We should take it as a positive trend.

Inter imperialist contradictions still exist

At present there is no WW. But there are still wars going on as regional war and proxy war. These wars are producing new anti-imperialist forces and huge number of masses fighting against the aggressors. Inter imperialist rivalry for the loot of oppressed countries still exists and will continue to be so till there is imperialism. Lenin said “imperialism is war” which is always true. There is good opportunity for the communists to take advantage of these contradictions.

Growing strength of Maoist forces

After demise of Mao there was serious setback at the ICM. The initiation of PW in the ’80s in Peru and its subsequent development from strategic defence to strategic equilibrium created great enthusiasm among the communist revolutionaries at the global level. But unfortunately the Peruvian revolution suffered a big set back after the capture of its supreme leader Gonzalo and hosts of the senior leaders of the party during 1992-94.

Before this event could have caused big damage to the ICM, the PW initiated in Nepal under the leadership of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) developed in leaps and bonds. Within a span of 10 years the Nepalese revolution reached to the level of strategic offence which created tremendous enthusiasm throughout the world. In the last few years the PW in India is developing at the fast pace.

The central government of India very often states that ‘the Naxal movement (which is often said about Maoists in India) is major threat to the Indian state’. According to the information, the Maoist party of India has established proposed base area in Dandakaranya, whose total area is almost equal to Nepal. The growing strength of the Indian Maoist is positive development for the revolution in Nepal.

China-India-US factor

Nepal shares about 1800 km border with southern neighbor India and about 1000 km that with the northern neighbor China. Nepal lies in between these two giant states. In the past there was hostile relation in between China and India associated with Indo- China war in 1962. But such a hostile situation does not exist now. Similarly, USA and China had also hostile relation in the past. Apparently we do not see such hostility in between these two powers of the world. Presently China has good economic ties and has good trade relation with USA and India. But USA by virtue of being most powerful imperialist country and sole super power does not like “socialist” China as a prosperous and powerful country. Though US is a sole super power till the date, but it is a declining state. It has not come out of the economic crisis that it faced during couple of years. It is becoming increasingly difficult for US to compete with China economically. So far the relation between China and India is concerned, it is not so healthy. Even the old border issue between the two states has not been resolved amicably, especially in Arunanchal Pradesh state. Chinas good relation with Pakistan is also a factor causing unfriendly relation between the two neighbors. In short, there is under current contention going between China and US; China and India.

Under the given circumstances, US likes to control China in different ways. Tibet and Dalai Lama is one of the factors that US and also India are using to control China. Apparently, there is good trade relation between India and China. But still India boards Dalai Lama’s “Government in Exile” in Dharmasala, a town in Himachal Pradesh state of India. Dalai Lama is still fighting for “free Tibet” with the support of USA, India and many imperialist countries. Taking advantage of bordering state with Tibet and unstable and economically poor country, which has dependency with India and US, they are trying to use Nepal as a base to conduct “free Tibet movement”. Using Buddhist religion as a cover they are concentrating their anti- China forces in Himalayan region and also in Kathmandu. There is growing risk that Nepal may be used as battle ground for the “free Tibet movement”.

Present Chinese leadership has more than enough knowledge about the situation stated above. They know that most of the political parties are loyal to the foreign powers and these parties in power will be instrumental in facilitating the anti-China movement from Nepal. They also have sufficient knowledge that only the Maoist party in power can curb the “free Tibet movement” from Nepal. This is very significant factor which can be used as a favourable factor for Nepalese revolution and New Nepal.

Conclusion

What we have explained above clearly shows that present day international situation in not clearly favourable for any revolution led by genuine communist party in the world today.

To get readymade favourable international situation is well and good and definitely we all will be happy to get it. But to find such a situation is very difficult. Our responsibility is not fulfilled only by making such analysis and statement that the international situation is not favourable so there cannot be a revolution in Nepal and any part of the world. Now we can see that this unfavourable international situation has become a pretext for the reformist and degenerated “communist” parties to justify their degeneration into reformism and revisionism. What MLM teaches us that if situation is not favourable we should not sit idle, we should be active in changing the situation to make it favourable. Another important point is that the force of revolution can change the situation from unfavourable to favourable.

In our case when we initiated the great PW in Nepal, the international situation for us was unfavourable. It is favourable many times as compared to the situation during 1996. The development of the PW has created the situation more favourable or less unfavourable. We can conclude that present international situation is not very much favourable for the revolution, but it is not so unfavourable as well. If the initiative of the Maoist party increases tremendously this situation will further become less unfavourable and favourable to some extent.

Therefore for the genuine communist revolutionaries present international situation is not such a big obstacle and revolutionary movement can grow and revolution can succeed. Let us hope the Nepalese revolution may be victorious in near future!

Various small parties, including parties currently in the ruling coalition, are breaking away from Madhav Kumar Nepal’s government and declaring support for a national unity government under Maoist leadership. While so far the Maoists do not appear to have pulled together a majority, let alone the 2/3 majority necessary to pass a new constitution, this is still a significant development. It indicates the impact the recent general strike had on the Nepali ruling class – its various political parties are splitting apart and some of them are aligning with the Maoist movement.

Reports are confused at the moment. I will post the two reports currently available  - one from the Himalayan Times which claims the Nepali govt has lost its parliamentary majority, and one from Nepalnews which claims the Maoists do not yet have enough parties aligned with them to bring down the govt with a motion of no confidence.

Updates will be posted as the situation unfolds.

Ten parties including UCPN (Maoist) call for PM’s resignation

Ten political parties including Unified CPN (Maoist), Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and eight other fringe parties have called for Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal’s immediate resignation  to  make way for the formation of a national unity government, Monday.

Issuing a joint press statement after a meeting at Maoist headquarters in Perisdanda, the parties have said, there is no alternative to a national unity government and a consensus among all political parties to end the ongoing political deadlock, complete the peace process successfully and promulgate a new constitution through the Constituent Assembly (CA).

The statement reads, ‘national sovereignty, federalism,  republicanism, secularism, democracy, social justice, peace and Constitution are our common agenda. And to promulgate the new constitution by May 28 and complete the peace process successfully is today’s most important task.’

The parties have accused the present government of totally failing in such tasks.

The other parties signing the press release are CPN (United), Nepal Sadbhawana Party (NSP), Nepali Janata Dal, Rastriya Janamukti Party, Nepa Rastriya Party, Sanghiya Loktantrik Manch, Chure Bhawar Rastriya Ekta Party and Dalit Janjati Party.

Sources say, the Maoists have started efforts to garner support from various parties to prepare for a vote-of-no confidence motion against the present government as a last resort to change the government.

UCPN (Maoist) has 230 seats in the parliament, MJF has 32, and other fringe parties present at the meeting have about 20 seats in the parliament. 301 votes at the parliament are required to change the government.

http://www.nepalnews.com/main/index.php/news-archive/1-top-story/5962-ten-parties-including-ucpn-maoist-call-for-pms-resignation.html
New group of ten asks PM Nepal to go
Last Updated : 2010-05-10 8:09 PM

THT Online
KATHMANDU: Tuning to the UCPN Maoist’s demand, nice other political parties representing at the Constituent Assembly (CA) Monday insisted that the government stand down and pave the way for a national unity government.

At a joint press conference held at the Maoist’s party office in Peris Danda, the parties asked for an immediate resignation of the Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, a major step towards formation of a national government.

The group of the ten parties, issuing a press statement, said national sovereignty, federalism, republic, secularism, democracy, social justice, peace and constitution are their common agenda, on which the incumbent government failed to deliver.

Meanwhile, the UCPN Maoist has called on the government to disband itself on the grounds of losing majority in the House after the commitments rendered from the parties.

Apart from the UCPN Maoist leaders, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum-Nepal chairman Upendra Yadav, CPN (Unified) chariman Rishiram Sharma Kattel, Sanghiya Loktantrik Rastriya Manch chairman Chairman Kumar Lingden, Nepali Janata Dal chairman Haricharan Sah, Rastriya Janamukti Party Chairman MS Thapa, Churebhavar Rastriya Ekata Samaj, Bhumiraj Niraula, Dalit Janajati Party chairman Bishwendra Paswan, Nepa Rastriya Party chairman Dr. Keshabman Shakya and Nepal Sadhbhawana Party chairman Sarita Giri were present in the meeting.

http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/ful…&NewsID=243674

Today the Maoist movement gheraoed Singha Durbar. ‘Gherao’ is a South Asian word found in both Hindi and Nepali which describes a form of protest where masses of people surround a location and shut it down with force of numbers. Singha Durbar is the heart of the Nepali government, the White House of the Himalayas, and the administrative centre of the country. Although the general strike has been lifted, there is no sign of surrender – the struggle is intensifying every day.

Revolutionary youth faced off with the police in an area called Maitighar, and when the police attacked demonstrators defended themselves. Reports indicate that the fighting was provoked by undercover policemen who fired shots at the Maoists from a nearby roof. The Maoist rallies have been consistently peaceful, and there is a clear and ongoing attempt by the government to provoke violence. As they discovered today, the peacefulness of the Maoists is in no way any sign of weakness.

Solidarity to the rebels on the red streets of Nepal!

Nepal’s revolution and internationalism

To the comrades of the International Marxist Tendency,

I recently read your article ‘Nepalese Maoists call for indefinite general strike’. I must admit to being pleasantly surprised at the quality and politics of the article. It was nice to read an article on the Nepali revolution written from an explicitly Trotskyist perspective that showed a certain amount of respect for the revolution and it’s leadership, and  in which the author didn’t consistently assume that they better than the Nepali comrades what needs to be done. This was an article that expressed critical support, and at this decisive moment in the history of the revolution in Nepal that should be noted and appreciated. However, the article was still flawed in many ways, and I felt I should write a brief response.

The author writes; “the Nepalese Revolution that started with the overthrow of the monarchy in 2006 has not yet ended.”

In what parallel universe did the Nepali revolution begin in 2006? The Maoists led a decade long revolutionary armed struggle from 1996-2006 that radically transformed society, turned the CPN (M) into the vanguard of the Nepali working masses and created the necessary conditions for the second Janaandolan (or People’s Movement) in 2006 that defeated King Gyanendra’s seizure of absolute power. The second Janaandolan did not come out of a clear blue sky! It should be clear to anyone who has studied the situation in Nepal that Gyanendra only seized power in 2006 in order to deal with the Maoist rebellion. The success of the People’s War, which at that time had liberated 80% of Nepal, triggered a crisis in the ruling class, which had for some time been divided between the forces which were hesitant about deploying the Royal Army and felt the Maoists should be dealt with by the police, and the forces that wanted to take the leash off and unleash the army onto the rebels with no restrictions.

This division within the ranks of the ruling class found expression in the royal family. Prior to 2001, Nepal was ruled by King Birendra, who was staunchly in the former camp and opposed the deployment of the Royal Army to fight the rebels. On the other side of the dispute was Gyanendra. In 2001, most members of the royal family, including the King, were murdered in the palace massacre. The official story is that Crown Prince Dipendra went on a drug fueled rampage and murdered his parents and siblings – however, this account is questioned by many in Nepal and the massacre has never been investigated satisfactorily. Many see the hand of Gyanendra and the militarist faction of the ruling class behind the murders.

Either way, the palace massacre conveniently allowed Gyanendra to rise to power , and he proceeded to unleash the army on the rebels. As even this failed to defeat the advance of the People’s War, he dissolved parliament using the justification that the political parties and the divisions they caused were facilitating the rise of the rebels and preventing their defeat.

The IMT opposes the strategy of Protracted People’s War and is entitled to its opinion. But problems begin to emerge when you distort history and gives your readers an inaccurate account of recent events in Nepal in order to avoid mentioning the fact that the party leading the Nepali revolution has successfully employed a strategy the IMT disagrees with. Sectarianism is defined as putting the interests of one’s particular group or current ahead of the interests of the struggle as a whole, and honest depiction of historical events is an important aspect of the revolutionary struggle. A revolution cannot be built on deceit and distortion. It is unfortunate that the author chose to make this sectarian error, as it is a stain on an otherwise mostly good article.

The author writes; “The Maoists briefly led a coalition government in 2008 of the Seven Party Alliance, but the internal contradictions in this government forced them to resign. The main lesson of all those years of parliamentary struggle, since the beginning of the Nepalese Revolution, is that each time that the masses have taken action the process has advanced, but every time they leave it in the hands of the leaders of the Maoists and other left forces, all sorts of parliamentary obstacles are put in the way to slow down or stop the process.”

The masses in Nepal have taken action under the leadership of the UCPN (M). It is a true vanguard party, made up of the advanced and militant sections of the proletariat and the poor peasantry. And the tactical maneuverings of the UCPN (M) are what led to the creation of the Constituent Assembly in the first place – they were the only party to call for the creation of a Constituent Assembly, and until 2006 all the reactionary political parties opposed this demand.

The IMT can write all it wants about a mythical workers movement independent of the UCPN (M) that the UCPN (M) is seeking to hold back, but in reality the militant workers movement in Nepal and the Maoist party are one and the same. Maoist unions swept the cities after the peace accords allowed them to organise above ground in the urban areas, and there simply is no revolutionary workers struggle in Nepal that has emerged independently of the UCPN (M). There is no antagonistic contradiction between the class and it’s vanguard party in Nepal, and the party is advancing on the road to state capture through a process of mobilising the masses, winning people to the ideas of revolutionary communism and preparing the masses to seize power consciously for themselves. The UCPN (M) doesn’t seek a military coup. It is not the PLA which has paralysed the Nepali state in May 2010, it is the masses themselves, mobilised under Maoist leadership. The IMT should not assume that the Maoist leaders are seeking to hold the struggle back simply because they are Maoists.

We should also keep in mind that there are times when it is necessary to hold the struggle back until more favourable conditions for revolution emerge. A notable example of this would be the July days, when Lenin, Trotsky and other Bolshevik leaders argued against armed and violent demonstrations and opposed calls for an insurrection. Revolution is not an act of will power. Lenin wrote in September 1917;

“To be successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspiracy and not upon a party, but upon the advanced class. That is the first point. Insurrection must rely upon a revolutionary upsurge of the people. That is the second point. Insurrection must rely upon that turning-point in the history of the growing revolution when the activity of the advanced ranks of the people is at its height, and when the vacillations in the ranks of the enemy and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted and irresolute friends of the revolution are strongest. That is the third point. And these three conditions for raising the question of insurrection distinguish Marxism from Blanquism.”

Maoist leader Basanta quoted this paragraph in the latest issue of the Red Star as an illustration of the current Maoist strategy, which he said is based around preparations for insurrection. Considering that Lenin wrote this letter at a crucial point in September when he felt the time for restraint had passed and the time was ripe for insurrection, the significance of this quotation should be obvious.

The author of the IMT article went on to write; “The Maoists are channelling the aspirations of millions of Nepalese for a new society through this General Strike (banda in the local expression, which means total shut down) but their aims are far too legalistic and constitutional to solve the main problems of the masses. Simply limiting the aim of such a powerful movement to achieving a new Constitution means keeping that same movement within the confines of capitalism and not really tackling the real issues.”

It is true that the struggle in Nepal at the moment revolves around the drafting of a new constitution. Everything rests upon this, the Constituent Assembly exists for that purpose alone and the politics of the nation are consumed by this question. What is a constitution? A constitution, as the Maobadi put it, is “the basic law of the nation. This makes law on the form of the state, system of leadership, fundamental rights of the people, sovereignty of the nation etc.”

But a struggle around the drafting of a new constitution is not just some bourgeois war of words. It is a struggle around how everything should be, a struggle around who should power in society and how they should exercise it. It is a struggle that necessitates the drafting of a new social contract, and thus triggers a determined resistance from those who benefit from the current arrangement. The struggle over a new constitution in Nepal is a struggle between radically different visions of society – the Maobadi’s “People’s Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal”, and the status-quoists “Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal”. The word “People’s” is an important one, as it sums up the difference between the two visions. The Maoists want a radically democratic, decentralised system of government in which the workers and peasants hold political power and in which the rights to food, shelter, employment, healthcare, basic freedoms etc are constitutionally guaranteed, and where society is organised in such a way as to ensure these constitutional guarantees are met.

The reactionaries and status-quoists oppose all this, and seek to preserve the existing state of affairs with some cosmetic changes. Recently the Constitutional Committees of the Constituent Assembly made their final votes on the various proposals put forward. The Maoists put forward most of the proposals, and almost every one they put forward was defeated. They don’t hold an absolute majority in parliament. What they do have though is veto power over the constitution. It requires a 2/3 majority to pass, and the Maoists have 40% of the Constituent Assembly. Not a single word can be passed without their approval, and as far as I can see they have no intention of allowing a status-quo constitution to be passed. Their threats to declare the constitution from the streets are not empty ones, and they are not insignificant ones.

So the struggle over the constitution is not an inconsequential one. It is a life and death struggle which has the attention of millions of Nepalis, and it is a struggle between two visions of two very, very different worlds. This needs to be appreciated.

It is also worth analysing the Maoist demand for a ‘national unity government’. When the Maoists talk of a ‘national unity government’, they mean a government with a 2/3 majority. Any other government would be meaningless. This slogan needs to be analysed in the context in which it is being put forward. Half a million Maoists are on the streets. They’ve been told to come for the ‘final battle’, the ‘decisive war’, the ‘last fight’ and so on. They have paralyzed the operations of the state and control Kathmandu through sheer force of numbers. The Maoists are essentially in control of urban Nepal at the moment. So they are negotiating for a new government under their leadership, with a 2/3 majority, to pass a constitution. Whatever happens, the constitution will be passed. Either through the CA, or from the streets. The Maoists have been quite clear on this. So what this means in practice is that the Maoists are using the fact that they are now in de facto control to try and pressure the other parties into buckling in and accepting the People’s Constitution. If they do not, the Maoists will declare it themselves from the streets – streets which they control with hundreds of thousands of dedicated cadre, willing to sacrifice their lives for the revolution.

The call for a national unity government is not an attempt by the Maoists to worm their way back into power on the backs of the masses. It is a warning to the ruling class that unless it voluntarily accepts the demands of the people, it’s going to be forced to do so.

The IMT claims that “the Maoists have had a tendency in the recent past to use popular mobilisations as if they were a tap that one can open or close.”

This is a rather unfair accusation. Popular mobilisations take place around specific objectives under specific conditions, in specific circumstances. Once they either achieve their objectives or are crushed, the popular movements conclude. Why should a struggle have to continue indefinitely once it has been started, even if suspension of the specific form of struggle concerned could advance the overall revolutionary movement? If the Maoists followed the logic being proposed here they would still be at war in the countryside.

The author goes on; “The mobilisation of the masses through a general strike is a huge step forward. It has within it the potential not only of bringing down the present government, but of radically changing Nepalese society. The theory of the Permanent Revolution explains that once the workers are mobilised in such a manner they cannot simply stop at the democratic demands, at the “phase” whereby the so-called progressive bourgeoisie is installed in power. There is no “democratic, progressive bourgeoisie” in Nepal. If the masses are held back within this logic, then at some stage the reactionary ruling class will use this to their advantage to derail the revolution.”

In actual fact, there is a democratic, progressive section of the bourgeoisie in Nepal. The Maoists allied with it to defeat the monarchists. Now the contradictions within this section have reached a crisis point and it is splitting between those forces (like the leftists in the UML gathered around Bam Dev Gautam) prepared to accept the power of the Maoist movement, and the sections (primarily the rightist UML leaders and the Nepali Congress) which are refusing to do so and would rather ally with the feudalist, royalist military forces to prevent Maoist-led revolution. It is not enough to simply curse the bourgeoisie – revolutionary movements must exploit divisions within it’s ranks in such a way as to take the movement forward. The Maoists have proved to be masters at this.

For all my criticisms, I would like to reiterate that overall this was a good article. It’s good to see that as the Maoist reovlution reaches its climax, there are forces in the world which are prepared to offer this inspiring revolution critical support even if they are not themselves Maoist. That’s proof of an internationalist outlook and it should be applauded.

Present Situation and Historical Task of the Proletariat

Dear Comrades,

Today, our great and glorious party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), has arrived at a serious and extraordinary juncture of possibilities and challenges.

The way how people’s revolution, in the external struggle, is advancing amid immense possibility of victory and serious danger of defeat, in the same manner, party’s internal life, as a reflection of the former, also lies in the midst of potentiality of advance and danger of anarchism and chaos as well. The height to which we can create new unity, voluntary discipline, self-confidence and vigour by means of a correct line, strategy, tactic, plan and programme to ensure as far as possible the decisive victory of revolution in this complex crossroads of class struggle, to that level will we be able to make victorious the revolution and party by safeguarding them from the danger of defeat and anarchism. In order to develop that kind of line and plan, we, by abandoning all kinds of subjective prejudices, must be able to have objective estimation of the situation and balance of class force based on the universal theories of MLM. The plan and programme prepared on the basis of objective analysis will enable our party to lead the decisive victory of revolution. Expressing high regard and esteem to the entire known and unknown martyrs of Nepalese people’s revolution including those of ten years of people’s war and admiring the entire disappeared, injured fighters and their family members, this plenum of the central committee will be able to bring about a new dynamism in our party.

1)   A short evaluation of present situation

a)   On the international situation
After the dissolution of erstwhile Soviet Union and so-called “end” of cold war, the academic pundits of western imperialism widely propagated that capitalism had become “absolute”, communist ideology and communism had “ended” and the “unipolar” world had been established. The premeditated propaganda is going on, but the whole imperialist world order has now entrapped into a dreadful global economic crisis. To have emerged an epicentre of new global economic crisis in the United States of America that had been presenting oneself as a leader of the world imperialism after the Second World War imparts a special meaning and implication.

When the imperialist moneybags were celebrating “victory” of capitalism before the dreadful cyclone of the current financial crisis had come up, right then too it was clear from the statistics of the World Bank itself that the gap between rich and poor had been surprisingly widening. Consequently, after the 90s the living standard of about a 1.75 billion of the people has severely dropped. About a 30,000 children, who could be cured by primary healthcare, are dying daily and about 1 billion people victimized by malnutrition cannot reach their 40. Children ranging from 250 million to 300 million in number from poor countries of the third world are being used as child-slaves for their bread and butter. Millions of young women are being pushed into prostitution daily. Tens of millions of youths of the third world are being forced to be sold as modern slaves in the globalized labour market for their livelihood. It is a short glimpse of so-called victory of capitalism after the cold war.

On top of that the present economic crisis has given rise to a more horrendous outcome. The bourgeois economists the world over are now bound to realize that the present global economic crisis is of several times deeper and wider nature and of far-reaching significance than the crisis that had emerged around 1930, before the Second World War. Big banks, financial institutions and industries of the United States of America have been declared to be bankrupt over night. In America, about 7 hundred thousand workers had lost their job merely in the last February; 6 hundred 50 thousand workers have been now loosing their jobs in every three months. Only after the economic crisis has started, 4.4 millions of people have lost their jobs. The industries that produced about 20 millions of cars before are now forced to produce only half of that. This Tsunami of severe economic crisis is going ahead engulfing not only the United States of America but also the third world countries, including Europe.

The imperialist ringleader who used to publicize that the open market economy was a non-missing target are now forced to take such a policy that provides financial support in different forms including nationalization of banks and bail of out industries by the government. It has been to the extent that some of the bourgeois economists are now referring to adopt some of the aspects of socialist economy to put the instantaneous crisis on hold. From this what has been proved once again is that it is the capitalism that is the main reason to bring crisis one after another for humanity and it is socialism only that can bring about a bright future for the human beings. The dream of unipolar world with which America as a gangster had come forward the world over is now becoming a daydream as a result of inter-imperialist contradictions along with the resistance carried by Russia, which is consolidating internally, and China, which is an upcoming economic super power. However, the proletariat must not minimise imperialist globalization and military strategy of capturing the whole world and the unjust wars which are being imposed upon Iraq, Afghanistan, Middle East, South Asia and the world over and the stratagem of military bases being established there as well. Rather, in order to resist that it is urgent to go forward seriously with immediate and long-term plans to handle inter-imperialist contradictions, to resolve the principal contradiction between imperialism and oppressed people and nations by building, on the basis of proletarian internationalism, a worldwide united front amongst the communist revolutionaries. Finally, the imperialist globalization and hooliganism of the US imperialism is bringing the world revolution closer and proves that revolution is the main trend today.

It is necessary to be clear on the background and reason behind this economic crisis that has exploded after about 70 years in United States of America, the centre of imperialist world order. The capitalism always creates a problem of overproduction because it pays no attention to the basic needs of the masses but always emphasizes on production that produces super profit to investors. The development of huge industries and worldwide apparatus to earn super profit results in creating a socialist base and mechanism and consequently it creates a contradiction with the private ownership of the capitalists; which is the inborn reason behind the fall of capitalism and rise of socialism. A question arises here, what reason caused to stop for so long years the process of fall of capitalism and rise of socialism that was intense during the period of the First World War to the advent of the Second World War? In the advent of the Second World War, one of the main reasons behind it was, in view of economic recession and inevitability of war, to centralize the main strength and investment in war-centred military economy on the part of the United States of America. From Second World War to Vietnam War and the cold war to different levels of wars till now made it possible to sustain capitalist economy in general and American economy in particular. Production of fighter planes, submarines, tanks, rockets and other military equipments in an extensive way and enormous wealth plundered thereof helped maintain that situation. Another important reason behind this is the temporary respite that they gained by expanding finance capital all over the world and increasing domination in the big markets like China, India and Russia. But, as a result of inherent unproductive and speculative nature of finance capital, it was unavoidable on the part of world imperialism to get trapped soon into a new crisis and so got trapped too.

In the period following the collapse of former Soviet Union, the imperialists deliberately developed worldwide mechanism for globalization of finance capital and extraction of profit to exploit and oppress the labourers and working class people the world over. As a result of the development of globalized production and oppressive structures, today the outburst of crisis and unemployment is spreading everywhere whether it be the US or Europe or Asia or Africa or Latin America. Special attention to be paid here is that the capitalist economy, on which war and military industries sustained, is now entrapped into a worldwide severe crisis. In order to protect it from being ruined the imperialists should develop terribly destructive technical weapons and impose qualitatively disastrous genocidal wars. Now, traditional and scattered wars and usual war economy is not sufficient to safeguard capitalism. Right at this point, a danger of imperialism staging a most severe destruction in the history of mankind is hidden behind it. Therefore, it has become especially necessary for the people, who are in favour of justice, equality, peace and independence, to come forward together against the imperialist crisis and terror of wars. In fact, this situation in the final analysis is creating a qualitatively favourable situation to build a people’s new world through world revolution.

India is gradually surrendering to the US imperialism. As a result of this, America is intensifying its economic, political and military activities all across the region. Entrapping India in its strategic web, the US imperialism is going ahead along its master plan of suppressing the entire national liberation, new democratic and socialist movements in this region and encircling and dividing China, the strong competent of the 21st century. In spite of this, the need to pay attention on is that there exists contradiction too between the US and India in view of mutual shares in South Asia. In the context of Nepal, India wants to extend its border up to the Himalayas, where as US wants to establish a special base in Nepal and go ahead on its own. The proletariat in this region should determine its strategy and tactic paying attention to both the aspects i.e. collusion, the principal aspect, and contention, the secondary aspect, existing in between US and India. In general, Asia, Africa and Latin America remain as the storm centres of revolution, but as a result of firstly, the special nature of contradiction against feudalism and imperialism, secondly, the wideness of revolutionary national liberation and democratic movements and thirdly, huge number of exploited and oppressed masses living in South Asia, make it a main storm centre of world revolution in the first decade of the 21st century. In this context, proletarian revolutionaries should take up a policy to go ahead by uniting the entire national liberation, democratic and socialist movements and building a broad united front against imperialism. What is necessary to pay attention here is that the wave of victory of anti-imperialist leftists in Latin American countries in the elections attracts a special significance. The left opinion there will have a special role in developing an anti-imperialist front in the world level.

b)  On the International Communist Movement
Aforesaid brief analysis of the world situation clarifies that the objective condition to build up communist parties based on MLM and develop revolution is speedily getting favourable in various countries of the world. However, compared to the objective situation, the subjective condition of the world communist movement is very weak.

MLM, the only scientific and revolutionary world outlook and principle, has developed as an ideological weapon of the proletariat. As a science, communist revolutionaries must grasp the question of defending, applying and developing MLM very seriously. In the context of defending, applying and developing MLM, right revisionism remains as the main deviation and ideological foe of the communist movement even today. Real defence, application and development of MLM is not possible without undergoing strong ideological struggle against right revisionism that backs class collaboration, reformism and national capitulation. While waging this struggle, the proletarian revolutionaries must remain vigilant on the danger of mechanical and sectarian dogmato-revisionism and eclecticism and centrist deviation as well. Finally, in the communist movement, Marxism has developed to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the midst of struggles against all sorts of deviations.

We can correctly accomplish our historical task only by waging struggles against mainly the right revisionism and also dogmatism prevailing in the international communist movement today. For this, maintaining relation with MLM parties in and outside of Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), we should go ahead on the way to building a new international amidst lively ideological struggle. In the context of defence, application and development of MLM, we, as a party that has acquired experiences in the midst of 10 years of people’s war and a range of mass movements and as a big force against feudalism and imperialism and also accepting heartily that we have a historical responsibility upon our shoulder to develop ideological struggle and international movement, should step up initiative to that direction.

Present National Political Situation
The main specificity of the present Nepalese political situation is that our country is being pushed towards a matured state of revolutionary crisis from the sensitive state of transition. Consistent with the tactic and demand that the revolutionary communists had put forward, by way of fusion of people’s war and historical mass movement, the constituent assembly election has taken place, and through that election the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been established as the most popular party in the country, and bringing to an end the 240 years old monarchy, the federal democratic republic has been established as a result of the initiative and the strength of our party. Gaining experience of a very new front to drive the new democratic revolution forward against feudalism and imperialism, this party has already led a nine months long people-elected first government of the Republic of Nepal. Certainly, these are the achievements that have far-reaching importance in the context of Nepali democratic revolution. True proletarians must have high evaluation and regard to these achievements.

But in spite of aforesaid achievements, there has been no basic change in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition of the country. The fundamental problems of the country and people related with nationhood, democracy and people’s livelihood are not basically solved. There is no basic change in the class character of the state. Even today, there is a sole control of comprador, bureaucrat and feudal classes in the state. Seizing the achievements of great people’s war and historic mass movement or by means of counterrevolution this class wants to retract into status quo. Certainly, these challenges clarify the reality that Nepalese democratic revolution has not yet been accomplished rather its final completion along with decisive struggle still remains waiting. True revolutionaries must take these challenges and realities seriously.

In this way, what is clear from the aforesaid facts is that to devaluate the present political change as insignificant or overestimate it as equal to revolution are both wrong. Protecting the achievements, to go forward for the success of democratic revolution is the responsibility of genuine proletariats.

For the feudal monarchy has come to an end, the principal political contradiction of Nepalese people with monarchy has also ended. Now the comprador, bureaucrat and feudal elements that favour status quo have taken that position. Changed political context and the latest political events, in particular, have clarified that a drama of building puppet government comprising of diehard rightist elements has been staged against the spirit of interim constitution, the basic democratic norms of civilian supremacy, people’s mandate expressed in the election, peace and the process of constitution building in the naked intervention of foreign reactionaries. What this situation clarifies is that not only has the contradiction of Nepalese people with compradors, bureaucrat capitalists and the feudal classes that favour status quo and national capitulation intensified but also the Nepalese nation’s and people’s basic contradiction with imperialist-expansionist forces that prop up the aforesaid classes has also been sharpening. Because the status quoist domestic reaction has been proved weaker compared to the revolutionary forces in Nepal, the special situations, on which one should also pay attention is that any time there is a possibility of contradiction of Nepalese people with both the domestic and foreign reactionaries becoming simultaneously principal or the possibility of national liberation becoming principal after there is direct military intervention on the command of foreign power against the Nepalese people, predominantly exists. Party must remain prepared to confront both of the aforesaid eventualities, but right now grasping the fact that internal contradiction is principal it is seriously necessary to build up prerequisites for tomorrow by way of exposing and resisting different forms of ongoing foreign interventions.

Politically, there is a serious debate on two questions now. They are: firstly, which is the main obstructing or inspiring idea and force behind the 12-point understanding? And secondly, whether to limit the present federal republic within the regressive and status quo republic that represents the interest of compradors, bureaucrats and feudal or establish a people’s republic of entire patriots including workers and peasants and oppressed class, nationality, region and gender? Now in answer to these basic questions naturally two different ideas are coming up. The proletariat, which defends the interest of oppressed classes, nationalities, regions and genders including workers, peasants, patriotic intelligentsia and national bourgeoisie, claims that the main thinker and inspirer behind the 12-point understanding is the people’s war and the mass movement led by itself, where as compradors, bureaucrats and feudal and their foreign masters present themselves as the major force and the inspirer. Likewise, the proletariat is making effort to step up the federal democratic republic to People’s Republic and institutionalize it where as the reactionary class is making effort to entrap it into or step down to status quo republic. From the viewpoint of class politics, the key reason behind the present political tussle, contradiction and confrontation lies in it.
It can be understood in another way also. Yesterday, absolute feudal monarchy had come forward as a common enemy of both of the class forces that favoured parliamentarian status quo and People’s Republic. A common necessity to fight against it created a base for 12-point understanding. The election of constituent assembly and complete democracy (i.e. federal democratic republic) could become a common programme at that time. When this kind of understanding was being made, both the political forces, parliamentarian status quoist and communist revolutionaries, had seen advantage on their part. Had not both the forces seen advantage on their part no understanding was possible too. It is a general law of political process.
As a result of limitation in their class outlook, it is in general the specificity of bourgeois reactionaries to underestimate the strength and ability of the masses of the people including workers and peasants and the communist revolutionaries as well. Having concrete analysis of the concrete condition and objective estimation of class forces, to decide correct policy is the speciality of the revolutionaries. Constituent Assembly election and its result have proved the said specificity well. Proving to be wrong the analysis and estimation of imperialist, expansionist and domestic reactions, Nepalese people made the communist revolutionaries reach to the highest position. Although the Nepalese people placed the revolutionary forces in the first position against expectation, effort and estimation of the reactionaries, only after their entire plots to stop that force from leading the government failed, finally the Maoist-led government was formed. Formation of the first elected government of Republic of Nepal under the leadership of Maoist revolutionaries was a matter of surprise for both the reactionaries and democratic forces the world over. The class contradictions of the state power are soundly displayed in this event, which has come up as a particular expression of balance of class forces developed in the course of 10 years of people’s war and historical mass movement. In this situation, it is obvious for the leadership to seek its own dictatorship and the dictatorship to seek its own leadership. Clear class difference and speciality is that the proletarian revolutionaries present themselves responsible and honest towards the nation and people where as the reactionary and revisionist elements prove themselves to be very totalitarian, national betrayers and anti-people.
As a partisan force of people’s federal democratic national republic i.e. People’s Republic, naturally the Maoist-led government, not in any support or gesture of foreign reactionaries or domestic status quoist forces, remaining honest to nation, people’s war, mass movement and the mandate of constituent assembly, started going independently and lawfully ahead as to institutionalize and address the changes. All the way through struggles pursued in preparing policy, programme and budget of the government to Prime Minister’s formal visit to China, India, America, Norway and Finland, the government tried to address the necessity of the changed situation and Nepalese people’s struggle and sacrifice for epoch-making changes. In the process of institutionalizing changes, the government presented several important programmes as to make the masses avail immediate respite to strategic plans to build a new Nepal and it adopted a policy to gradually transform bureaucracy and security mechanism corresponding to the essence and necessity of the federal republic. In this process, the government lawfully took action upon the “commander”, who used to time and again challenge the republic and the supremacy of civilian government, speak against the peace agreement, advocate feudal monarchy and serve the foreign reaction.
It was natural to become government’s aforesaid activities intolerable to the reactionary elements that were conspiring not to allow forming the Maoist-led government and making it fail in case it was formed. In spite of innumerable conspiracies to make the Maoist-led government topple down, as well as fraudulent and deliberate propaganda to defame it, when they saw that Maoist popularity was growing and were going ahead firmly along their strategy, then the reactionaries heightened their conspiracies further. By means of deliberate and subjective propaganda like “Manipulating the army, the Maoists are seizing power according to their strategy”, “Maoists are implementing one party totalitarian rule” the reactionaries, who talk of constitutional supremacy, democratic values, rule of law, civilian supremacy, finally displayed their real despotic nature. Justifying that democracy is a show tusk of an elephant for the reactionaries; they hatched a midnight counterrevolutionary conspiracy by using the president as a mask.
In the gesture of foreign lords, turning down the decisions of the civilian government in an unconstitutional and despotic manner, not only has the drama of a commander’s reinstatement exposed national capitulationist and undemocratic nature of the old parliamentarian and revisionist political parties but also has it shown their defeated and humiliated mentality.
The reality that behind this unconstitutional move of the president lies a ghastly conspiracy, on the part of domestic and foreign reactions, of pushing the country towards war and confrontation, disrupting constitution writing and peace process, slaughtering the throat of federal democratic republic by means of military terror and finally attacking upon the national existence and chastity of Nepal is evident. At this particular historical crossroads, a revolutionary prudence and courage was anticipated from the vanguard of the proletariat to defeat counterrevolutionary conspiracy and show honesty and responsibility towards nation, people and the class. Our great and glorious party and its central leadership proved its prudence and courage through aggressive but balanced attacks in succession against reactionary conspiracies. Raising high the banner of right of national self-determination (i.e. national independence and self-respect) and civilian supremacy, the events from the action upon Katuwal to the resignation of Prime Minister, from the resignation to Prime Minister’s last address in the constituent assembly, from the last address to struggle going on in the legislature and street, have exhibited the aforesaid historic truth. Our party rank and file and the broad masses as well are proud of it and should be too.
While making comprehensive objective evaluation of the first coalition government of Republic of Nepal constituted under the leadership of our party, we must humbly admit that we could not attain the expected and possible achievements as a result of, on the one hand, the obligatory situation in which we had to work within the limitation of old reactionary state machinery and our lack of experience to run the state, lack of planned coordination among the tasks of government, legislature and the street etc. On the other, in spite of aforesaid limitations we must not loose sight the key achievements for example our success to raise optimism towards the future and the revolution among the broad masses, make conflict-affected people avail relief even though a few, initiate effective intervention for forward looking transformation in several organs of the old state power and take some positive initiative to protect and promote national interest and self-respect etc. In total, the positive and negative experiences of this short period have provided important reference material to establish and run the state power of the proletariat in the days to come.
As a result of prudence and courage exhibited by the revolutionary party, today the process of polarization of genuine patriotic, leftist, progressive and democratic forces and the broad masses on one side, and a handful of national capitulationist compradors, bureaucrats and feudal elements on the other side is intensifying. A flame of serious debate and contradiction has ignited mainly within Nepali Congress and UML, the political forces that formed a puppet government. Even there, honest patriots, leftist and democratic leaders and cadres are, in an organized and extensive manner, opposing capitulationist character of the national leadership and their act of kneeling down before military supremacy. Right at this time, given the atrocity carried out by the Indian security forces upon Nepalese people along the bordering areas of Dang district and the events of border encroachment in different parts of the country including Bara district, the awareness and initiative of defending national self-respect and territorial integrity has been qualitatively expanding among the entire political activists including the broad masses, except a few compradors. By transforming this awareness and initiative into a material force, to come forward to liberating our country from the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition is the historic task of the proletariat at present. This liberation will be the completion of democratic revolution. However, it will be a serious mistake to think that this historic task will be accomplished with no trouble. For that, there must be untiring labour, sacrifice, endurance and conviction in all the fields of ideology, organization and struggle; which we will discuss in another chapter. The question to pay attention here is that the reactionaries are now seriously involved in the conspiracy of making Maoist revolutionaries commit a mistake through provocation, alleging Maoists through an artificial incident, killing political leadership, creating split in the party and movement to disrupt peace-process, weakening the constituent assembly and pushing the country into war. Reactionaries, in and outside of the country, have clearly understood that the ideological, political and sentimental relation of the peace-process and constituent assembly is inseparably related with Maoist people’s war and the revolutionary movement. In the special context of Nepal, for the reason that peace-process and constituent assembly are the fruit of people’s war and revolutionary movement, victory of reactionaries in this arena is impossible. From the result of constituent assembly election, from the programmes related to nationhood, democracy and people’s livelihood that the Maoist-led government had put forward and mainly from the political superiority of the Maoist revolutionaries and also from the increasing popularity proved by the past mid-term poll, the reactionaries have clearly understood this reality.
In this backdrop, without falling in enemy provocation, the urgent necessity to develop independent proletarian policy, plan and programme that defeats their strategic aspiration is evident. At this time, we must not search imaginary and bombastic slogans but centre our attention on the slogans that emerged in the midst of lively struggles against reactionaries and make them reach to the masses in a systematic and planned way. Enemy is trying to isolate us, our slogan must isolate the enemy, enemy is trying to push the country into war, our slogan must be able to rally the whole country around the banner of peace, enemy is trying to make the constituent assembly powerless, our slogan must make it lively, enemy is trying to make the peace agreement and interim constitution a worthless piece of paper, we must respect them as a common mandate of the people’s war, 12-point understanding and the mass movement, enemy is abhorrently conspiring to malign people’s verdict expressed in the constituent assembly and impose puppet government upon the Nepalese people, our slogan must fully respect people’s opinion expressed in the constituent assembly, the enemy is finally and mainly trying to wreck national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nepal and our slogan, uniting the whole country, must be able to shatter the enemy’s ambition. For that, tactically peace, constitution, national independence, ‘civilian supremacy’ and ‘Maoist-led national government’ must be included in our slogans. Based on these slogans, the planned struggles carried from legislature and the street, by defeating the reactionary conspiracies, broad masses can be led to the completion of strategic goal of democratic revolution.
2) On the party line and polarization of revolutionary communists
As a result of correct implementation and synchronization of party’s clear ideological and political line, strategy, tactic and plan of action, today our glorious party the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been developing as a main stream of the communist revolutionaries. The process of revolutionary polarization that came forward with the historic initiation of people’s war has now qualitatively attained a new height.
When the great people’s war was advancing towards its climax, the party unity with CPN (Masal) organized under the leadership of comrade Dinanath Sharma after rebellion against dogmato-revisionism and the unity, 2 years later, with Kirat Workers Party led by comrade Gopal Kirati set off the process of revolutionary polarization in an organized way.
It is clear that the scientific outlook regarding strategy, tactic and tactical unity has made our party achieve an important and leading role of realizing 12-point understanding, fusion of people’s war and mass movement, peace process, constituent assembly and establish federal democratic republic.
From our first position in the constituent assembly election to the popular programmes on the part of the people-elected first republican government under party leadership and programmes of agitation, from prime minister’s resignation in order to struggle in favour of national independence, civilian supremacy, peace and constitution to the important decisions taken in the legislatures and the ongoing programmes of mass movement as well have imparted new dynamism for the revolutionary polarization.
From the unity taken place between CPN (Maoist) and CPN (Unity centre-Masal) that were carrying out joint activities ever since the great process of people’s war to the unity with CPN (MLM) led by comrade Krishnadas Shrestha, Democratic Front led by comrade Bhim Bahadur Kadayat, CPN (Masal) led by Keshav Nepal, CPN (ML-Revolutionary) led by comrade Tek Bahadur, dozens of cultural fighters, who rebelled in group from UML, dozens of intellectual and political personalities that rebelled from various groups and the ranks of thousands of revolutionary cadres, who joined the CPN (Maoist) before and after the constituent assembly election, all has clarified the fact that the Unified Communist party of Nepal (Maoist) that has a revolutionary line, strategy and tactical thinking to go forward to socialism and communism after the accomplishment of new democratic revolution in Nepal has become a main stream of communist revolutionaries today.
3) From the latest peace process to the present: on party’s problems and Weaknesses
From the viewpoint of class struggle as a whole and the objective political initiative there has been a good advance. But, from the subjective and organizational point of view there have been scores of serious problems and weaknesses. If we could not develop concrete policy plan and programme to identify the problems, reasons behind them and the ways to resolve them howsoever bright future may be seen objectively in fact no achievement can be obtained even if these are not implemented in practice. In this context, first of all problems should be discussed.
a)  MLM has taught us and we have clearly understood that it is not possible to lead revolution to a decisive victory without the leadership of a militant and disciplined communist party, vanguard of the proletariat, based on the unity of ideology and resolve. In spite of numerous limitations and weaknesses, for the whole period of people’s war party’s principal aspect was militant political vanguard of the proletariat. There was dominance of high proletarian spirit of ideological consistency, resolute unity, voluntary discipline and sacrifice. But, after the peace process and mainly after the party has come open, unfortunately the party not only did not remain a militant and disciplined political vanguard of the proletariat but also a danger of it being gradually transformed into an anarchic crowd has come into sight. The process of achieving new unity on a new basis by means of ideology-centred debate and unity-struggle-transformation is being gradually replaced by the danger of individual interest-centred unhealthy competition and new factions and splits. Bringing this situation to an end, we must allot utmost emphasis to drive the party forward as a political vanguard of the proletariat in a true sense.
b)  Today party committee system is going towards the direction of becoming lethargic, burdensome, chaotic and messy. The committee system of a communist party ought have been swift, orderly and proficient to provide lively leadership to the committee, organizations and masses of the people under one’s responsibility, but our committees have become so huge that firstly there can be no meeting and secondly very difficult to take up decisions in case there is meeting. Consequently, the position of collective decision and individual responsibility, the organisational concept of MLM, is being occupied by individual decision and collective responsibility. This situation must be changed. Committee system cannot be improved without reactivating the method of conducting committees based on the organizational principal of democratic centralism and making them lively and strong by way of criticism and self-criticism. In a genuine communist party, in case there is no practice of regular criticism and self-criticism from the central committee to the cell committees, naturally different kinds of confusions, whisperings, propaganda, factionalism and anarchism emerge within the party and they make the party hollow and indolent.
c)   Now, there has been rapid deterioration in party’s proletarian conduct and working style. The competition of individual concern, interest and return is trying to replace collective concern, initiative and sacrifice for party and revolution. Mutual help, reverence and healthy criticism among comrades is gradually being replaced by the trends of non-cooperation, intolerance and unhealthy criticism. The economic anarchy and opacity, on the one hand, is rapidly making the party slide down from the communist ideals and, on the other, it is making the mutual relation among comrades very much suspicious and unhealthy. A communist system of unconditionally depositing cash or appliances obtained from any source by a comrade of any level of the party has been disappearing and a very bourgeois process of piling up and using them personally by those whoever can is burgeoning. From this, thousands of honest and revolutionary cadres have been victims of desperation, humiliation and discomfort, for they are entrapped in the problems of solving their own daily subsistence, minimum supply of daily necessities, family problems and basic problems of the local people, where as a trend of taking individual benefit by a few party officials and some ‘actives’ is growing. This situation has created wide dissatisfaction among the revolutionary cadres and it has time and again given rise to natural unrest and fury before the party leadership and the party centre. In order to bring this situation to an end, there is no other way than sorting out plan to develop proletarian conduct and working style and implementing them firmly in the party.
d)  Regular ideological and political training and schooling, which is very much necessary, has become messy. Daily political events, parliamentarian tug-of-wars and their ebb and tide and premeditated materials that are publicized by big media houses, controlled by reactionaries, have become the major political training materials for the entire party ranks and supporters. Naturally, as a result of this, proletarian ideology, politics and strategic issues are falling under shadow and everyone is running behind the daily events and is getting confused by it. By bringing this situation to an end, and taking publication, publicity, political training and schooling seriously it is necessary to push the tasks forward in a planned way.
e)  The great people’s war gave birth to thousands of professional revolutionary fighters. In the course of people’s war, a huge number of fulltime and part-time cadres were actively involved in party works, people’s liberation army, militia, war front, democratic state, people’s courts, communes and democratic schools. Thousands of martyr’s families, disappeared fighters, wounded fighters and their families had active participation in either of the aforesaid tasks. After we entered into the peace process, as a result of dissolution of people’s power, people’s court and militia, and centering of PLA in cantonments and no formation of local bodies after the constituent assembly election also, thousands of district and local level cadres had to become unemployed. Also the lack of management of fulltime cadres, families of martyrs, disappeared and wounded fighters and regular plans and programmes of mass mobilization and struggle, caused to develop obvious confusion, doubt and dissatisfaction among the cadres. On the one hand, emergence of that situation in absence of plan and programme in the local level and, on the other, differences in opinion among the responsible members of the central committee broadly also caused to emerge symptoms of pessimism. Without raising to a new height the process of management and mobilization through correct policy, plan and programme this problem will have no real solution.
f)   Thousands of youths, in the course of people’s war, involved in revolution by leaving their study in campuses and schools. Even after the Party-led government was formed after the constituent assembly election academic certificate became compulsory in governmental and non-governmental jobs and when they saw their age-group friends studying in different levels, naturally apprehension about their study and future started growing. Besides, uneasiness has widely grown after some of the cadres, by any means, started reading and taking examinations. Although party had brought forward a concept of Open University and tried to solve it but that has not yet been effective. Now, party has certainly taken up some concrete initiatives on behalf of the government to teach sons and daughters of martyrs and disappeared fighters and it has given a positive impact too. But, party should take up clear policy on education of the whole cadres.
g)  Inability to push forward the tasks related to four preparations and that of government, legislature and the street also increased distrust and doubt within the party. In the days to come, it is necessary to carry forward these tasks in a planned way.
Behind the aforesaid problems, the acts like, ‘loose talking’, ‘back biting’, ‘rude comment’ against this or that comrade of the party leadership contrary to the party system of democratic centralism have become in itself a serious problem before the party. It has been urgent to resolve these problems through open discussion and criticism and self-criticism. While doing so, even if there remain differences in opinion in certain issues, there must be commitment to conducting ideology-centred debate in a systematic way and implementing the decision in a unified manner.
Behind increment of the aforesaid kinds of problems in the party, our attention should focus on the following main reasons.
a)     To jump into this complex front without developing, as far as possible, clear policy, plan and programme on the organizational and practical problems that could arise while coming from war to peace, seems to be one of the main reasons behind the aforesaid problems. After coming into this front, it was apparent that there would have been compulsion on the part of main leadership to engage in day to day national and domestic works. By having prior estimation of that kind of situation, clear concept and overall work division must have been done on the tasks of party, army, state power, mass organizations, front etc.
b)     After party acquired victory in the constituent assembly election in contrary to domestic and foreign reactionaries’ analysis, estimation and expectation, our inability to pay adequate attention to maintain uniformity, through thorough discussion in the CC meeting, on the issues like — whether the party should join government or not, in case it was decided to join what could be the overall plan, what could be the party policy, plan and programme to mobilise masses compatible with the programmes of the government, how to crush conspiracy and encirclement on the part of imperialism, expansionism and domestic reaction after the government was formed etc. caused the aforesaid problems to arise.
Owing to aforesaid main reasons, no concrete plan to resolve aforesaid problems including the management of cadres could be developed. Consequently, a contradictory situation, in which there was enthusiasm among the people but mistrust among the cadres, arose. Chairman should take the main responsibility for such situation to arise in the party and then other comrades respectively, in accordance with their hierarchical status, should do. And, refraining from such weaknesses in the future, planned initiative should be taken up to make the party go ahead.
4) A rough sketch of the immediate plan
Aforesaid analysis and review clarifies the possibilities and challenges before the party. From this it is apparent that the forces of revolution and counterrevolution are going ahead towards the direction of decisive confrontation. The objective situation is allowing neither the people’s revolutionary force nor the counterrevolutionary force of feudalism and imperialism to linger in status quo. The reactionary force, domestic and foreign, is now seeing their superiority in war, autocracy, national capitulation and military supremacy while quite contrary to it the force of proletariat and the revolutionary masses is seeing their interest and superiority in peace, constitution, national self-respect, democracy and civilian supremacy.
It is not so easy for the reactionaries to instigate war owing to our leading position in the constituent assembly, situation of federal democratic republic and growing support, on the part of civilian movement and the broad masses, to our commitment to peace national self-respect, democracy and civilian supremacy, rather a possibility, in which initiative and victory remains in the hands of mainly the proletariat and revolutionary masses, has increased. Yet, we must not minimize the danger of counterrevolution because the restless reactionaries are intensely conspiring to trigger off war. In this sensitive situation, the only basis and condition for the victory of proletariat and masses is to develop strong unity within themselves with clarity towards the goal. Only by remaining united can the proletariat and the revolutionary masses, after completing the historical task of democratic revolution, open the way to go ahead towards socialism and communism.
a) Form and direction of the immediate movement
To develop wide-ranging peaceful mass movement around the issues of civilian supremacy, national independence, peace and constitution and formation of Maoist-led national united government must be our main task at present. Where one must be clear is that national united government means, in the present context, the government of those forces that favour civilian supremacy, national independence and federalism. When carrying out this movement, if the civilian supremacy is established, we must remain prepared to form national united government, but we must be clear on the fact that to participate in the puppet government without civilian supremacy will be a political suicide. Until the situation of civilian supremacy and national government is built up, we should take a policy of raising movement from one height to another.
– Paying attention to the special political significance of Madhesh, recent conspiratorial division in Forum, sensitivity arisen out of continuous events of border encroachment and the necessity of national movement, we should emphasize to go ahead with a special plan that focuses on the questions of developing strong movement in the whole Terai (Madhesh, Tharuwan and Kochila) in general and Madhesh (Mithila, Bhojpura and Abadh) in particular. Objectively, the situation is getting favourable to develop movement in Madhesh under the leadership of our party.
– In order to resist foreign intervention upon the national independence of our country, it is necessary to consolidate internal nationhood. For this, autonomy and federalism must be taken to implementation strongly.
– In the context of solving the problems of people’s livelihood, the issue of revolutionary land reform should be carried forward with special emphasis.
b)   On the broad united front and mass mobilization
– A broad united front should be established under the party leadership to effectuate the movement of civilian supremacy and national government. We should endeavour to build up that kind of united front in two levels. First, a front made up of various mass organizations, national and regional fronts inclusive of prominent personalities under the leadership of our party and second, a broad united front comprising of entire leftists, progressives, patriots and other parties, institutions and individuals favouring civilian supremacy should be built up.
– Mobilize masses to declare Sherpa autonomous region in the east and Bhote-Lama autonomous region in the west along the entire Himalayan range of the north.
– Develop movement to declare the establishment of national and regional autonomous regions.
– Take initiative to organize without delay the local bodies in accordance with the spirit of interim constitution.
c)   On peace process and writing of the new constitution
Although our party is in opposition, we should play an active role to succeed the process of peace and constitution writing. We must justify through policy and practice that we are honest and responsible to make the peace process reach to a logical conclusion and build a constitution in line with the necessity and interest of the nation and people. The fact that the elements that defame democracy by defying the interim constitution and disregarding the mandate expressed in the constituent assembly election are against peace and constitution building must reach to the people in a planned way.
– The army integration and rehabilitation should be carried forward simultaneously in parallel with the task of constitution writing. Party must remain very careful to the reactionary plot of weakening and disarming party by integration and rehabilitation before people’s constitution is written.
– The constitution that is being submitted on behalf of the party must include the essence and concept of anti-feudal and anti-imperialist democratic constitution. Not a constitution for constitution, party must remain clear on the fact that the constitution must be able to protect and consolidate country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity along with national independence and self-respect and ensure right of the masses of entire oppressed class, nation, region and sex including workers and the peasants.
–   It must be ensured that the constitution should provide sufficient democratic right to the autonomous regions, however paying attention to the sensitive geo-political location of Nepal, particular state of population distribution and also to the main necessity of the socialism-oriented democratic structure, the system of democratic centralism should be consolidated taking into account of building an appropriately strong executive body at the centre also. In the constitution, federalism with Nepalese particularity and provision of the oppressed class, including the workers and peasants, acquiring priority in representation and leadership must be guaranteed both in the autonomous region and at the centre. In the case of leadership of autonomous region a policy of providing leading right in the first election and then to priority should be taken up.
–   Food, shelter, cloth, education, health and employment including multi-party competition, people’s supremacy, rule of pro-people law and freedom of expression in line with the spirit of “Development of democracy in the 21st century” must be guaranteed as the fundamental rights of the people.
d)   On party, mass organizations, fronts and departments
– Considering the situation and necessity of political struggle existing in the country, it is necessary to consolidate party by organising its Congress soon. The Congress is equally necessary to clarify the ideological ambiguity noticed in the party, relatively systematize and consolidate the bulky and chaotic organizational structure and style of work.
– Keeping at centre the necessity of movement, the task of relatively consolidating mass organisations and departments by means of gathering, training, constitution, reconstitution and other organizational works should be completed till mid-September to prepare and mobilize them in a unified way.
– Taking seriously the issue of collecting real data of fulltime activists, mobilizing them in a planned way for their management, the upcoming mass movement and the main preparation in the capital, big cities and headquarters and erecting a special mechanism at the centre, initiative should be taken to fulfil it without delay. This mechanism will also sort out concrete programmes to mobilize martyrs’ families, families of disappeared fighters, wounded fighters and their families in the movement along with necessary help to them.
– A special working plan should be chalked out to bring major mass organizations including worker, peasant, student, women, Dalit and culture well in order, expand organizations up to the masses and mobilize the major regional and national fronts in a unified way.
e)   On solving the financial problem
– Make all the state committees and district committees along with collectives involve in production work including labour, and collecting financial support from them.
– Emphasize to regularize levy and quota.
– Collect special donation at the centre, states and the districts for the movement.
–   Reactivate the central financial department to chalk out concrete policy and find out ways in relation to collecting funds, accounting and maintaining transparency of the expenditure.
f) On the sketch of programmes of the mass movement and its general routine
– Central committee will prepare entire programmes and the general routine of the mass movement.

Comrades, we are at a very much glorious but challenging juncture of Nepalese democratic revolution. We have to accumulate energy by remembering the dream of great martyrs and disappeared and wounded fighters. We, grasping the hope and expectation of the millions of people, have to develop unity and confidence within ourselves. Defending, applying and developing the fundamental principles of MLM, we have to serve the world revolution and the internationalist proletarian movement. Finally, as a scientific and revolutionary communist, we, maintaining the high records of patience, prudence and courage, have to crush the counterrevolutionary conspiracies. If we failed to do that Nepal and Nepalese revolution will undergo a big accident. Therefore, let us unite, let us go ahead, people’s victory is guaranteed.