Comrade Alastair

Pro-worker/Anti-Capitalist

Posts Tagged ‘elections

On selling revolutionary papers in Dunedin

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Dunedin is a good place to do paper sales. This has always struck me as being quite interesting, considering the relatively low level of political activism and class struggle here compared to other centres. Whenever I hit the streets in my Karl Marx t-shirt (with the words “I’d rather have a revolution than a Labour government” written on it) and a stack of Sparks, I end up selling quite a few and getting a lot of positive responses.

I did a paper sale today with a comrade from Christchurch called Phil, who’s in town for a week or so. After a few initial probems (I always get messed up on Saturday thanks to the bus timetables being different to during the week… I have no excuses, I’m just bad with stuff like that!), we met up in the wee alleyway between George St and the New World shopping centre to sell our papers, hand out leaflets with the Workers Party election manifesto on them and generally preach the good news to people walking by.

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All Things Bright and Beautiful – Workers Party radio ad

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Now that my organisation, the Workers Party of New Zealand, has secured enough paper members to register as a political party, we get $10,000 to spend on whatever election stuff we want and we also get free airtime on the radio and TV channels. This is a video put together to go with our radio ad.

This is the first time in history that a revolutionary communist option has been on every ballot in the country, and it’ll be the first time New Zealand’s radios and TVs have had anti-capitalist material playing on them. So this is a pretty big deal.

The song was written and performed by Don Franks, our candidate for Wellington Central. Vote Workers Party – workers should be running the country!

The video can also be viewed at the Workers Party website – http://workersparty.org.nz/2008/10/09/all-things-bright-and-beautiful-2/

Written by Alastair Reith

October 9, 2008 at 10:46 am

Reformism vs Revolution

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(this is a debate between me and the Resident Action Movement’s #1 candidate, Oliver Woods. I think it’s quite illuminating. He shows himself to be pro-capitalist, anti-socialist, and a denier of class struggle and indeed the very existence of classes with irreconcilably hostile interests. Socialist Worker is a key component of RAM, and it’s saddening to think that the former Communist Party of New Zealand has swung right to the point where it would endorse a candidate like this)

The original post I responded to can be found on Oliver’s blog.

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Dunedin – Cops off Campus protest

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(I’ll have pictures of the protest up here soon, and hopefully video footage of it too. Watch this space…)

Today at 2pm, about 100 people assembled on a cold, grey and drizzly day to protest against the presence of plainclothes police on Otago University campus, the arrests of NORML activists by the previously mentioned undercover police, and the increasingly frequent use of Campus Watch, Campus Cops and the police to crack down on political activism, dissent and civil disobedience.

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How revolutionaries choose their political priorities

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How we choose our political priorities

How we intervene in bourgeois elections

A study guide

Workers Party platform
1. Opposition to all New Zealand and Western imperialist intervention in the Third World and all Western imperialist alliances.

2. Secure jobs for all with a living wage and a shorter working week.

3. For the unrestricted right of workers to organise and take industrial action and no limits on workers’ freedom of speech and activity.

4. For working class unity and solidarity – equality for women, Maori and other ethnic minorities and people of all sexual orientations and identities; open borders and full rights for migrant workers.

5. For a working people’s republic

I have become more and more convinced – and the thing now is to drum this conviction into the English working class – that they will never be able to do anything decisive here in England before they separate their attitude towards Ireland quite definitely from that of the ruling classes, and not only make common cause with the Irish, but even take the initiative in dissolving the Union established in 1801, and substituting a free federal relationship for it. And this must be done not out of sympathy for Ireland, but as a demand based on the interests of the English proletariat. If not, the English people will remain bound to the leading-strings of the ruling classes, because they will be forced to make a common front with them against Ireland.

- Marx to Kugelmann, November 29, 1869

The way I shall express the matter next Tuesday is: that, quite apart from all ‘international’ and ‘humane’ phrases about Justice for Ireland – which are taken for granted on the International Council – it is in the direct and absolute interests of the English working class to get rid of their present connexion with Ireland. I am fully convinced of this, for reasons that, in part, I cannot tell the English workers themselves. For a long time I believed it would be possible to overthrow the Irish regime by English working class ascendancy. I always took this viewpoint in the New-York Tribune. Deeper study has now convinced me of the opposite. The English working class will never accomplish anything before it has got rid of Ireland. The lever must be applied in Ireland. This is why the Irish question is so important for the social movement in general.

- Marx to Engels, December 10, 1869

Over 130 years ago, Marx (and Engels) made the point that the key to the British revolution was the national-revolutionary struggle in Ireland. Central to this was their idea that as long as British workers went along with their own ruling class’s policy of oppressing Ireland British workers would never reach revolutionary consciousness and never seriously threaten the dominance of the British ruling class in Britain itself no matter how splendidly organised they were in trade unions or how militant they were in demanding wage rises.

The centrality of political questions to the class struggle should be well-established by now, but it is often not well-understood on the far left. Or, where lip-service is paid to it, little is done in practice and/or the political issues which are chosen are weak in class content and don’t raise fundamental questions about the system or really open up opportunities for such questions to be raised.

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RAM/SW is an apple

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The Residents Action Movement began as an electoral front group in Auckland, formed largely by members of the Socialist Worker organisation. It originally ran only in the Auckland local body elections, and ran eight candidates in 2004. One of it’s candidates, Robyn Hughes, was elected to the Auckland Regional Council.

RAM did not fare so well in the 2007 local body elections, with it’s vote count for the Auckland Regional Council dropping to 76,000. It’s only councilor also lost her seat.

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New Zealand Pacific Party attempts to register for the 08 election

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The NZ Pacific Party was founded by former Labour MP Taito Philip Fields, and claims to represent “Christian and family values as well as standing for social justice”. As things stand, that is all that’s known of it’s politics, as the Party has not put forward any other policies or made any other statements.

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(Taito Philip Fields)

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People vote for change in Tonga, Zimbabwe and Nepal

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June 2008

In the past month or so, elections took place in three very different countries, far away from one another, with distinctly different languages, cultures and histories. These countries did have some things in common. All were all poor, third-world countries, whose people live in poverty and oppression, and they all voted against the regimes and systems they currently live under.

Tonga votes against monarchy, for democracy

In the leadup to the Tongan elections, mainstream New Zealand media talked a great deal about how the people of Tonga did not want radical change and did not really want the monarchy to go, and how the pro-democracy candidates were going to get an awful result.

Just as with their predictions in Nepal, they were proved to be completely wrong. In the Tongan elections, pro-democracy candidates won all nine elected seats.

Of the 34 seats in the Tongan parliament, candidates are democratically elected to only nine, with 16 members being appointed directly by the king, and another nine representing “the noble families of the realm”. This is essentially a semi-feudalistic system, with a small minority of nobles and the capitalists linked to them monopolising all power and wealth in the country.

Democratic reforms are due to be implemented in 2010, with the balance of seats being changed to 17 MPs elected by the people, nine MPs to represent the “nobility” and 4 MPs to be appointed by the King.

While this would certainly be a positive move and a step in the right direction, ultimately the King and his nobles have no right to exist. The people of Tonga deserve to live in a nation where everyone is treated equally and nobody lives in great privilege simply due to being born lucky.

Such a society can only come about through completely eradicating not only feudalism but capitalism as well, and moving towards a socialist system.

Zimbabwe votes against Mugabe’s dictatorship, but is the MDC any better?

In Zimbabwe’s parliamentary elections, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) won 99 seats in the House of Assembly, with Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party winning 97 and the minority MDC faction winning 10.

In the last issue of The Spark we reported that the results of the presidential elections had not yet been released, and fears were growing that the results would be rigged in Mugabe’s favour. The MDC declared that it had won an outright victory.

The results of the recount were released on May 2, with Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC winning 47.9% of the vote to Mugabe’s 43.2%. As neither of the two main candidates won a majority, a run-off will be held on June 27.

Since the initial elections, ZANU-PF has unleashed a wave of violence against MDC members, with several being killed. Interestingly, government-approved farm occupations have begun again in some areas. This also happened after the 2000 elections, and clearly shows that the farm occupations are not part of any attempt by Mugabe to radically transform Zimbabwe’s economy and transfer land and wealth to the poor, but is rather just an attempt to distract people from his election defeats.

Disturbing reports have also emerged about the actions of the MDC (which advocates neo-liberal, right-wing economic policies). ZANU-PF accuses them of being funded by American and British imperialism, and it would not be at all surprising if this were the case – the US and British have a long history of meddling in Third World politics, and have openly declared their intentions to effect regime change in Zimbabwe1. There are also unverified reports of foreign NGOs telling voters that if they do not vote for the MDC, food distribution will stop.

Nepal votes for Maoist revolutionaries

In the recent Constituent Assembly elections, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) won 220 out of 575 seats, making them by far the largest party in the Assembly. (The two next biggest, the Nepali Congress and the revisionist (ie claiming to be Marxist, but acting counter-revolutionary) Communist Party of Nepal (UML), won 110 and 103 respectively, making them smaller than the Maoists even when put together!)

The vote for the revolutionary Maoists represents the mass support they enjoy amongst the Nepalese masses, on whose side they fought during the decade-long People’s War. In the course of this struggle the Maoists liberated 80% of the countryside, before changing their tactics in order to move the revolutionary struggle into the urban areas.

The four next-biggest parties agreed on May 24 to back a Maoist-led government. However, there is still a great deal of conflict between the Maoists and the non-revolutionary parties. The Maoists are demanding that, as the largest party, they receive the two biggest portfolios in the government, the posts of Prime Minister and President. They have compromised to agree that the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly could be a non-Maoist.

The Nepal Congress in particular is calling for the Maoists to disband the People’s Liberation Army and the Young Communist League, but the Maoists have rejected this.

After a huge step forward, tensions remain in the new Nepal.

1 http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss/2006/

Zimbabwe elections – a vote for change

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April 2008

Leader of the Zimbabwean opposition Movement for Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai

On 29 March 2008, the people of Zimbabwe went to the polls to vote in the parliamentary and presidential elections, and on the future of their impoverished country.

There was world-wide interest in the elections and a great deal of media coverage. These elections were seen as crucial in determining whether President Robert Mugabe and his ruling ZANU-PF party would maintain their 28-year hold on power, or whether the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) would take their place.

The elections were marred by violent clashes between the supporters of various parties and factions, and were carried out in an atmosphere of extreme tension.

Official results began to trickle in on March 31. By April 2 all the results for the lower House of Assembly had been declared, with the majority faction of the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai, winning 99 seats, Mugabe’s ZANU-PF winning 97, the minority MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara winning 10 seats, and one independent.

This was the first time since the end of white minority rule that Mugabe’s party had not held a majority, and it showed the level of dissatisfaction with him that exists in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe is currently suffering an extreme economic crisis, and has been since the early 2000s, with chronic shortages in imported fuel and consumer goods. The inflation rate was 100,580% in January 2008, and continues to rise. Eighty percent of people lack jobs.

The reasons for this situation are a combination of economic mismanagement on Mugabe’s part, and Western imperialist isolation of Zimbabwe. For example, under the “Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act” passed by the US Congress in 2001, Zimbabwe is unable to apply for loans and credit from institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, and they refuse to cancel any of its debts.

Whatever the exact reasons for Zimbabwe’s disastrous economy, it is clear that neither Mugabe nor the Western imperialist powers have the interests of the people of Zimbabwe at heart.

After the unexpected success of the MDC in the 2000 elections, where they won 47% of the vote compared to 48.6% for ZANU-PF (which won 92.7% in 1996), Mugabe began a series of land seizures, kicking wealthy white farmers off the land and redistributing it amongst poor blacks. This was carried out badly, with little or no support being given to the new farmers, and as a result in many cases the new black owners simply went back to the cities and left the land to lie idle.

As this issue of The Spark goes to press, the results of the presidential election have still not been released, although the MDC’s Morgan Tsvangirai has declared victory. The government has also ordered a recount of the parliamentary results, stirring fears that the results will be rigged in ZANU-PF’S favour.

Robert Mugabe is a brutal and corrupt dictator, and has fulfilled few of the promises that brought him into power following the liberation war. But the MDC, which was founded by the trade union movement, has increasingly adopted neo-liberal economic policies in order to try and secure Western support, and has called on the US and the UK to “intervene” in order to “break Mugabe’s white-knuckle grip on power”. It is obvious that an MDC government would be no more friendly towards the workers and peasants of Zimbabwe than the current regime.

The working masses of Zimbabwe need a genuine revolutionary socialist party to overthrow the neo-colonial capitalist system that is the ultimate source of their country’s troubles.

Written by Alastair Reith

June 25, 2008 at 7:47 am

Australian Elections 2007 – Howards Out, but it’s the Same old Bullshit

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Alastair Reith

February 2008

In the recent Australian General Elections, the eleven year reign of John Howard and his Liberal-National Coalition government was ended with a victory for the Labor Party and its leader Kevin Rudd.

The elections saw a significant voter shift towards Labor, with Howard even losing his own seat in the election to Labor challenger Maxine McKew.

While no one is sorry to see Howard and his Coalition thrown out, the facts are that “Kevin07″ and Labor will be no better than Howard was.

A major reason for the Coalition’s defeat was the unpopularity of its “WorkChoices” industrial relation (IR) legislation, a frontal attack on the Australian working class and the Australian union movement, that made it harder for workers to strike, made it easier for employers to force their employees onto individual workplace agreements rather than collective agreements, and banned clauses from workplace agreements which supported unions.

However, the ALP’s promises to “oppose the Howard Government’s industrial relations legislation in every respect, at every stage until the next election”1, Rudd predictably changed the position to being “removing many of the worst aspects of WorkChoices”2.

Rather than ditching the massively unpopular WorkChoices in its entirety, Rudd has instead given it a facelift, in a similar way to what the current Labour government in New Zealand did with the Employment Relations Act.

Businesses with under fifteen workers will still be exempt from unfair dismissal laws, with the original legislation exempting businesses with under 100. 3

Restrictive right of entry rules into workplaces for unions introduced under WorkChoices will remain and secret ballots (rather than open ballots) to decide on carrying out strikes will continue, which will become banned except during periods of collective bargaining. 4 (italics added)

The new Labor government has stated that “Federal Labor will not allow industrial action to be taken outside a clear set of tough rules”5, and that “Small business will… be protected from unlawful and disruptive union activity.”6

All of this should prove to anyone with a brain that the ALP government and “Kevin07″ is no more worker friendly than the Howard government that preceded it, and should be opposed with just as much vigor as the Coalition was.

Rudd has reconfirmed that Australian troops will continue to occupy Afghanistan indefinitely, saying that “Australia is here in Afghanistan for a long haul”.7

While Rudd has confirmed that he will pull Australia’s 550 combat troops out of Iraq, 500 “non-combat” troops will stay in the country doing “re-construction work” (aka building, maintaining and repairing military bases and so on).

Rudd has pledged to continue with the “intervention” into the Northern Territory Aboriginal communities, described by former Northern Territory MP, and Indigenous leader John Ah Kit as “in some ways genocide”9.

All of this clearly shows that (despite what some on the left may claim), Kevin Rudd and the Australian Labor Party is not, never was and never will be worthy of any support whatsoever, and despite Howard being gone, it’s still the same old bullshit.

1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WorkChoices

2 http://www.alp.org.au/fresh-ideas/forward-with-fairness/forward-with-fairness.html

3 http://www.alp.org.au/media/0807/msdloploo280.php

4 http://www.alp.org.au/media/0807/msdloploo280.php

5 http://www.alp.org.au/media/0807/msdloploo280.php

6 http://www.alp.org.au/media/0807/msdloploo280.php

7 http://www.stuff.co.nz/4335452a12.html

8 http://www.juancole.com/2007/11/new-australian-pm-rudd-will-withdraw.html

9 http://www.nirs.org.au/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=209&Itemid=11